History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

assembled to look on rather than assist them, they exhorted the men to

  take arms and deliver themselves from the slavery which weighed so

  heavily upon them; declaring that the complaints of the discontented

  in the city, rather than their own grievances, had induced them to

  attempt their deliverance. They had heard that many prayed to God for

  an opportunity of avenging themselves, and vowed they would use it

  whenever they found anyone to conduct them; but now, when the

  favorable circumstances occurred, and they found those who were ready

  to lead them, they stared at each other like men stupefied, and would

  wait till those who were endeavoring to recover for them their liberty

  were slain, and their own chains more strongly riveted upon them; they

  wondered that those who were wont to take arms upon slight occasions,

  remained unmoved under the pressure of so many and so great evils; and

  that they could willingly suffer such numbers of their fellow-citizens

  to be banished, so many admonished, when it was in their power to

  restore the banished to their country, and the admonished to the

  honors of the state. These words, although full of truth, produced no

  effect upon those to whom they were addressed; for they were either

  restrained by their fears, or, on account of the two murders which had

  been committed, disgusted with the parties. Thus the movers of the

  tumult, finding that neither words or deeds had force sufficient to

  stir anyone, saw, when too late, how dangerous a thing it is to

  attempt to set a people free who are resolved to be slaves; and,

  despairing of success, they withdrew to the temple of Santa Reparata,

  where, not to save their lives, but to defer the moment of their

  deaths, they shut themselves up. Upon the first rumor of the affair,

  the Signory being in fear, armed and secured the palace; but when the

  facts of the case were understood, the parties known, and whither they

  had betaken themselves, their fears subsided, and they sent the

  Capitano with a sufficient body of armed men to secure them. The gates

  of the temple were forced without much trouble; part of the

  conspirators were slain defending themselves; the remainder were made

  prisoners and examined, but none were found implicated in the affair

  except Baroccio and Piggiello Cavicciulli, who were put to death with

  them.

  Shortly after this event, another occurred of greater importance. The

  Florentines were, as we have before remarked, at war with the duke of

  Milan, who, finding that with merely open force he could not overcome

  them, had recourse to secret practices, and with the assistance of the

  exiles of whom Lombardy was full, he formed a plot to which many in

  the city were accessory. It was resolved by the conspirators that most

  of the emigrants, capable of bearing arms, should set out from the

  places nearest Florence, enter the city by the river Arno, and with

  their friends hasten to the residences of the chiefs of the

  government; and having slain them, reform the republic according to

  their own will. Of the conspirators within the city, was one of the

  Ricci named Samminiato; and as it often happens in treacherous

  practices, few are insufficient to effect the purpose of the plot, and

  among many secrecy cannot be preserved, so while Samminiato was in

  quest of associates, he found an accuser. He confided the affair to

  Salvestro Cavicciulli, whose wrongs and those of his friends were

  thought sufficient to make him faithful; but he, more influenced by

  immediate fear than the hope of future vengeance, discovered the whole

  affair to the Signory, who, having caused Samminiato to be taken,

  compelled him to tell all the particulars of the matter. However, none

  of the conspirators were taken, except Tommaso Davizi, who, coming

  from Bologna, and unaware of what had occurred at Florence, was seized

  immediately upon his arrival. All the others had fled immediately upon

  the apprehension of Samminiato.

  Samminiato and Tommaso having been punished according to their

  deserts, a Balia was formed of many citizens, which sought the

  delinquents, and took measures for the security of the state. They

  declared six of the family of the Ricci rebels; also, six of the

  Alberti; two of the Medici; three of the Scali; two of the Strozzi;

  Bindo Altoviti, Bernado Adimari, and many others of inferior quality.

  They admonished all the family of the Alberti, the Ricci, and the

  Medici for ten years, except a few individuals. Among the Alberti, not

  admonished, was Antonio, who was thought to be quiet and peaceable. It

  happened, however, before all suspicion of the conspiracy had ceased,

  a monk was taken who had been observed during its progress to pass

  frequently between Bologna and Florence. He confessed that he had

  often carried letters to Antonio, who was immediately seized, and,

  though he denied all knowledge of the matter from the first, the

  monk's accusation prevailed, and he was fined in a considerable sum of

  money, and banished a distance of three hundred miles from Florence.

  That the Alberti might not constantly place the city in jeopardy,

  every member of the family was banished whose age exceeded fifteen

  years.

  These events took place in the year 1400, and two years afterward, died

  Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan, whose death as we have said above,

  put an end to the war, which had then continued twelve years. At this

  time, the government having gained greater strength, and being without

  enemies external or internal, undertook the conquest of Pisa, and

  having gloriously completed it, the peace of the city remained

  undisturbed from 1400 to 1433, except that in 1412, the Alberti,

  having crossed the boundary they were forbidden to pass, a Balia was

  formed which with new provisions fortified the state and punished the

  offenders with heavy fines. During this period also, the Florentines

  made war with Ladislaus, king of Naples, who finding himself in great

  danger ceded to them the city of Cortona of which he was master; but

  soon afterward, recovering his power, he renewed the war, which became

  far more disastrous to the Florentines than before; and had it not, in

  1414, been terminated by his death, as that of Lombardy had been by

  the death of the duke of Milan, he, like the duke, would have brought

  Florence into great danger of losing her liberty. Nor was the war with

  the king concluded with less good fortune than the former; for when he

  had taken Rome, Sienna, the whole of La Marca and Romagna, and had

  only Florence itself to vanquish, he died. Thus death has always been

  more favorable to the Florentines than any other friend, and more

  potent to save them than their own valor. From the time of the king's

  decease, peace was preserved both at home and abroad for eight years,

  at the end of which, with the wars of Filippo, duke of Milan, the

  spirit of faction again broke out, and was only appeased by the ruin

  of that government which continued from 1381 to 1434, had conducted

  with great glory so many enterprises; acquired Arezzo, Pisa, Cortona,

&nb
sp; Leghorn, and Monte Pulciano; and would have accomplished more if the

  citizens had lived in unity, and had not revived former factions; as

  in the following book will be particularly shown.

  BOOK IV

  CHAPTER I

  License and Slavery peculiar defects in republican governments--

  Application of this reflection to the state of Florence--Giovanni

  di Bicci di' Medici re-establishes the authority of his family--

  Filippo Visconti, duke of Milan, endeavors to make amicable

  arrangements with the Florentines--Their jealousy of him--

  Precautionary measures against him--War declared--The Florentines

  are routed by the ducal forces.

  Republican governments, more especially those imperfectly organized,

  frequently change their rulers and the form of their institutions; not

  by the influence of liberty or subjection, as many suppose, but by

  that of slavery and license; for with the nobility or the people, the

  ministers respectively of slavery or licentiousness, only the name of

  liberty is in any estimation, neither of them choosing to be subject

  either to magistrates or laws. When, however, a good, wise, and

  powerful citizen appears (which is but seldom), who establishes

  ordinances capable of appeasing or restraining these contending

  dispositions, so as to prevent them from doing mischief, then the

  government may be called free, and its institutions firm and secure;

  for having good laws for its basis, and good regulations for carrying

  them into effect, it needs not, like others, the virtue of one man for

  its maintenance. With such excellent laws and institutions, many of

  those ancient republics, which were of long duration, were endowed.

  But these advantages are, and always have been, denied to those which

  frequently change from tyranny to license, or the reverse; because,

  from the powerful enemies which each condition creates itself, they

  neither have, nor can possess any stability; for tyranny cannot please

  the good, and license is offensive to the wise: the former may easily

  be productive of mischief, while the latter can scarcely be

  beneficial; in the former, the insolent have too much authority, and

  in the latter, the foolish; so that each requires for their welfare

  the virtue and the good fortune of some individual who may be removed

  by death, or become unserviceable by misfortune.

  Hence, it appears, that the government which commenced in Florence at

  the death of Giorgio Scali, in 1381, was first sustained by the

  talents of Maso degli Albizzi, and then by those of Niccolo da Uzzano.

  The city remained tranquil from 1414 to 1422; for King Ladislaus was

  dead, and Lombardy divided into several parts; so that there was

  nothing either internal or external to occasion uneasiness. Next to

  Niccolo da Uzzano in authority, were Bartolomeo Valori, Neroni di

  Nigi, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Neri di Gino, and Lapo Niccolini. The

  factions that arose from the quarrels of the Albizzi and the Ricci,

  and which were afterward so unhappily revived by Salvestro de' Medici,

  were never extinguished; for though the party most favored by the

  rabble only continued three years, and in 1381 was put down, still, as

  it comprehended the greatest numerical proportion, it was never

  entirely extinct, though the frequent Balias and persecutions of its

  leaders from 1381 to 1400, reduced it almost to nothing. The first

  families that suffered in this way were the Alberti, the Ricci, and

  the Medici, which were frequently deprived both of men and money; and

  if any of them remained in the city, they were deprived of the honors

  of government. These oft-repeated acts of oppression humiliated the

  faction, and almost annihilated it. Still, many retained the

  remembrance of the injuries they had received, and a desire of

  vengeance remained pent in their bosoms, ungratified and unquenched.

  Those nobles of the people, or new nobility, who peaceably governed

  the city, committed two errors, which eventually caused the ruin of

  their party; the first was, that by long continuance in power they

  became insolent; the second, that the envy they entertained toward

  each other, and their uninterrupted possession of power, destroyed

  that vigilance over those who might injure them, which they ought to

  have exercised. Thus daily renewing the hatred of a mass of the people

  by their sinister proceedings, and either negligent of the threatened

  dangers, because rendered fearless by prosperity, or encouraging them

  through mutual envy, they gave an opportunity to the family of the

  Medici to recover their influence. The first to do so was Giovanni di

  Bicci de' Medici, who having become one of the richest men, and being

  of a humane and benevolent disposition, obtained the supreme

  magistracy by the consent of those in power. This circumstance gave so

  much gratification to the mass of the people (the multitude thinking

  they had now found a defender), that not without occasion the

  judicious of the party observed it with jealousy, for they perceived

  all the former feelings of the city revived. Niccolo da Uzzano did not

  fail to acquaint the other citizens with the matter, explaining to

  them how dangerous it was to aggrandize one who possessed so much

  influence; that it was easy to remedy an evil at its commencement, but

  exceedingly difficult after having allowed it to gather strength; and

  that Giovanni possessed several qualities far surpassing those of

  Salvestro. The associates of Niccolo were uninfluenced by his remarks;

  for they were jealous of his reputation, and desired to exalt some

  person, by means of whom he might be humbled.

  This was the state of Florence, in which opposing feelings began to be

  observable, when Filippo Visconti, second son of Giovanni Galeazzo,

  having, by the death of his brother, become master of all Lombardy,

  and thinking he might undertake almost anything, greatly desired to

  recover Genoa, which enjoyed freedom under the Dogiate of Tommaso da

  Campo Fregoso. He did not think it advisable to attempt this, or any

  other enterprise, till he had renewed amicable relations with the

  Florentines, and made his good understanding with them known; but with

  the aid of their reputation he trusted he should attain his wishes. He

  therefore sent ambassadors to Florence to signify his desires. Many

  citizens were opposed to his design, but did not wish to interrupt the

  peace with Milan, which had now continued for many years. They were

  fully aware of the advantages he would derive from a war with Genoa,

  and the little use it would be to Florence. Many others were inclined

  to accede to it, but would set a limit to his proceedings, which, if

  he were to exceed, all would perceive his base design, and thus they

  might, when the treaty was broken, more justifiably make war against

  him. The question having been strongly debated, an amicable

  arrangement was at length effected, by which Filippo engaged not to

  interfere with anything on the Florentine side of the rivers Magra and

  Panaro.

  Soon after the treaty was concluded, the duke too
k possession of

  Brescia, and shortly afterward of Genoa, contrary to the expectation

  of those who had advocated peace; for they thought Brescia would be

  defended by the Venetians, and Genoa would be able to defend herself.

  And as in the treaty which Filippo made with the Doge of Genoa, he had

  acquired Serezana and other places situated on this side the Magra,

  upon condition that, if he wished to alienate them, they should be

  given to the Genoese, it was quite palpable that he had broken the

  treaty; and he had, besides, entered into another treaty with the

  legate of Bologna, in opposition to his engagement respecting the

  Panaro. These things disturbed the minds of the citizens, and made

  them, apprehensive of new troubles, consider the means to be adopted

  for their defense.

  The dissatisfaction of the Florentines coming to the knowledge of

  Filippo, he, either to justify himself, or to become acquainted with

  their prevailing feelings, or to lull them to repose, sent ambassadors

  to the city, to intimate that he was greatly surprised at the

  suspicions they entertained, and offered to revoke whatever he had

  done that could be thought a ground of jealousy. This embassy produced

  no other effect than that of dividing the citizens; one party, that in

  greatest reputation, judged it best to arm, and prepare to frustrate

  the enemy's designs; and if he were to remain quiet, it would not be

  necessary to go to war with him, but an endeavor might be made to

  preserve peace. Many others, whether envious of those in power, or

  fearing a rupture with the duke, considered it unadvisable so lightly

  to entertain suspicions of an ally, and thought his proceedings need

  not have excited so much distrust; that appointing the ten and hiring

  forces was in itself a manifest declaration of war, which, if

  undertaken against so great a prince, would bring certain ruin upon

  the city without the hope of any advantage; for possession could never

  be retained of the conquests that might be made, because Romagna lay

  between, and the vicinity of the church ought to prevent any attempt

  against Romagna itself. However the views of those who were in favor

  of war prevailed, the Council of Ten were appointed, forces were

  hired, and new taxes levied, which, as they were more burdensome upon

  the lower than the upper ranks, filled the city with complaints, and

  all condemned the ambition and avarice of the great, declaring that,

  to gratify themselves and oppress the people, they would go to war

  without any justifiable motive.

  They had not yet come to an open rupture with the duke, but everything

  tended to excite suspicion; for Filippo had, at the request of the

  legate of Bologna (who was in fear of Antonio Bentivogli, an emigrant

  of Bologna at Castel Bolognese), sent forces to that city, which,

  being close upon the Florentine territory, filled the citizens with

  apprehension; but what gave every one greater alarm, and offered

  sufficient occasion for the declaration of war, was the expedition

  made by the duke against Furli. Giorgio Ordelaffi was lord of Furli,

  who dying, left Tibaldo, his son, under the guardianship of Filippo.

  The boy's mother, suspicious of his guardian, sent him to Lodovico

  Alidossi, her father, who was lord of Imola, but she was compelled by

  the people of Furli to obey the will of her deceased husband, to

  withdraw him from the natural guardian, and place him in the hands of

  the duke. Upon this Filippo, the better to conceal his purpose, caused

  the Marquis of Ferrara to send Guido Torello as his agent, with

  forces, to seize the government of Furli, and thus the territory fell

  into the duke's hands. When this was known at Florence, together with

  the arrival of forces at Bologna, the arguments in favor of war were

  greatly strengthened, but there were still many opposed to it, and

  among the rest Giovanni de' Medici, who publicly endeavored to show,

  that even if the ill designs of the duke were perfectly manifest, it