History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

course of the campaign, two instances occurred which served to show

  how greatly courage is admired even in enemies, and how much cowardice

  and pusillanimity are despised.

  Biaggio del Melano was castellan in the fortress of Monte Petroso.

  Being surrounded by enemies, and seeing no chance of saving the place,

  which was already in flames, he cast clothes and straw from a part

  which was not yet on fire, and upon these he threw his two little

  children, saying to the enemy, "Take to yourselves those goods which

  fortune has bestowed upon me, and of which you may deprive me; but

  those of the mind, in which my honor and glory consist, I will not

  give up, neither can you wrest them from me." The besiegers ran to

  save the children, and placed for their father ropes and ladders, by

  which to save himself, but he would not use them, and rather chose to

  die in the flames than owe his safety to the enemies of his country:

  an example worthy of that much lauded antiquity, which offers nothing

  to surpass it, and which we admire the more from the rarity of any

  similar occurrence. Whatever could be recovered from the ruins, was

  restored for the use of the children, and carefully conveyed to their

  friends; nor was the republic less grateful; for as long as they

  lived, they were supported at her charge.

  An example of an opposite character occurred at Galeata, where Zanobi

  del Pino was governor; he, without offering the least resistance, gave

  up the fortress to the enemy; and besides this, advised Agnolo della

  Pergola to leave the Alps of Romagna, and come among the smaller hills

  of Tuscany, where he might carry on the war with less danger and

  greater advantage. Agnolo could not endure the mean and base spirit of

  this man, and delivered him to his own attendants, who, after many

  reproaches, gave him nothing to eat but paper painted with snakes,

  saying, that of a Guelph they would make him a Ghibelline; and thus

  fasting, he died in a few days.

  At this time Count Oddo and Niccolo Piccinino entered the Val di

  Lamona, with the design of bringing the lord of Faenza over to the

  Florentines, or at least inducing him to restrain the incursions of

  Agnolo della Pergola into Romagna; but as this valley is naturally

  strong, and its inhabitants warlike, Count Oddo was slain there, and

  Niccolo Piccinino sent a prisoner to Faenza. Fortune, however, caused

  the Florentines to obtain by their loss, what, perhaps, they would

  have failed to acquire by victory; for Niccolo so prevailed with the

  lord of Faenza and his mother, that they became friends of the

  Florentines. By this treaty, Niccolo Piccinino was set at liberty, but

  did not take the advice he had given others; for while in treaty with

  the city, concerning the terms of his engagement, either the

  conditions proposed were insufficient, or he found better elsewhere;

  for quite suddenly he left Arezzo, where he had been staying, passed

  into Lombardy, and entered the service of the duke.

  The Florentines, alarmed by this circumstance, and reduced to

  despondency by their frequent losses, thought themselves unable to

  sustain the war alone, and sent ambassadors to the Venetians, to beg

  they would lend their aid to oppose the greatness of one who, if

  allowed to aggrandize himself, would soon become as dangerous to them

  as to the Florentines themselves. The Venetians were advised to adopt

  the same course by Francesco Carmignuola, one of the most

  distinguished warriors of those times, who had been in the service of

  the duke, and had afterward quitted it; but they hesitated, not

  knowing how far to trust him; for they thought his enmity with the

  duke was only feigned. While in this suspense, it was found that the

  duke, by means of a servant of Carmignuola, had caused poison to be

  given him in his food, which, although it was not fatal, reduced him

  to extremity. The truth being discovered, the Venetians laid aside

  their suspicion; and as the Florentines still solicited their

  assistance, a treaty was formed between the two powers, by which they

  agreed to carry on the war at the common expense of both: the

  conquests in Lombardy to be assigned to the Venetians; those in

  Romagna and Tuscany to the Florentines; and Carmignuola was appointed

  Captain General of the League. By this treaty the war was commenced in

  Lombardy, where it was admirably conducted; for in a few months many

  places were taken from the duke, together with the city of Brescia,

  the capture of which was in those days considered a most brilliant

  exploit.

  The war had continued from 1422 to 1427, and the citizens of Florence

  were so wearied of the taxes that had been imposed during that time,

  that it was resolved to revise them, preparatory to their

  amelioration. That they might be equalized according to the means of

  each citizen, it was proposed that whoever possessed property of the

  value of one hundred florins should pay half a florin of taxes.

  Individual contribution would thus be determined by an invariable

  rule, and not left to the discretion of parties; and as it was found

  that the new method would press heavily upon the powerful classes,

  they used their utmost endeavors to prevent it from becoming law.

  Giovanni de' Medici alone declared himself in favor of it, and by his

  means it was passed. In order to determine the amount each had to pay,

  it was necessary to consider his property in the aggregate, which the

  Florentines call /accatastare/, in which in this application of it

  would signify TO RATE or VALUE, and hence this tax received the name

  of /catasto/. The new method of rating formed a powerful check to the

  tyranny of the great, who could no longer oppress the lower classes,

  or silence them with threats in the council as they had formerly done,

  and it therefore gave general satisfaction, though to the wealthy

  classes it was in the highest degree offensive. But as it is found men

  are never satisfied, but that the possession of one advantage only

  makes them desire more, the people, not content with the equality of

  taxation which the new law produced, demanded that the same rule

  should be applied to past years; that in investigation should be made

  to determine how much, according to the Catasto, the rich had paid

  less than their share, and that they should now pay up to an equality

  with those who, in order to meet the demand unjustly made, had been

  compelled to sell their possessions. This proposal alarmed the great

  more than the Catasto had done; and in self-defense they unceasingly

  decried it, declaring it in the highest degree unjust in being laid

  not only on immovable but movable property, which people possess

  to-day and lose to-morrow; that many persons have hidden wealth which

  the Catasto cannot reach; that those who leave their own affairs to

  manage those of the republic should be less burdened by her, it being

  enough for them to give their labour, and that it was unjust of the

  city to take both their property and their time, while of others she

  only took money. The advocates of the Catasto replied,
that if movable

  property varies, the taxes would also vary, and frequently rating it

  would remedy the evil to which it was subject; that it was unnecessary

  to mention those who possessed hidden property; for it would be

  unreasonable to take taxes for that which produced no interest, and

  that if it paid anything, it could not fail to be discovered: that

  those who did not like to labor for the republic might cease to do so;

  for no doubt she would find plenty of loving citizens who would take

  pleasure in assisting her with both money and counsel: that the

  advantages and honors of a participation in the government are so

  great, that of themselves they are a sufficient remuneration to those

  who thus employ themselves, without wishing to be excused from paying

  their share of taxes. But, they added, the real grievance had not been

  mentioned: for those who were offended with the Catasto, regretted

  they could no longer involve the city in all the difficulties of war

  without injury to themselves, now that they had to contribute like the

  rest; and that if this law had then been in force they would not have

  gone to war with King Ladislaus, or the Duke Filippo, both which

  enterprises had been not through necessity, but to impoverish the

  citizens. The excitement was appeased by Giovanni de' Medici, who

  said, "It is not well to go into things so long past, unless to learn

  something for our present guidance; and if in former times the

  taxation has been unjust, we ought to be thankful, that we have now

  discovered a method of making it equitable, and hope that this will be

  the means of uniting the citizens, not of dividing them; which would

  certainly be the case were they to attempt the recovery of taxes for

  the past, and make them equal to the present; and that he who is

  content with a moderate victory is always most successful; for those

  who would more than conquer, commonly lose." With such words as these

  he calmed the disturbance, and this retrospective equalization was no

  longer contemplated.

  The war with the duke still continued; but peace was at length

  restored by means of a legate of the pope. The duke, however, from the

  first disregarded the conditions, so that the league again took arms,

  and meeting the enemy's forces at Maclovio routed them. After this

  defeat the duke again made proposals for peace, to which the

  Florentines and Venetians both agreed; the former from jealousy of the

  Venetians, thinking they had spent quite enough money in the

  aggrandizement of others; the latter, because they found Carmignuola,

  after the defeat of the duke, proceed but coldly in their cause; so

  that they thought it no longer safe to trust him. A treaty was

  therefore concluded in 1428, by which the Florentines recovered the

  places they had lost in Romagna; and the Venetians kept Brescia, to

  which the duke added Bergamo and the country around it. In this war

  the Florentines expended three millions and a half of ducats, extended

  the territory and power of the Venetians, and brought poverty and

  disunion upon themselves.

  Being at peace with their neighbors, domestic troubles recommenced.

  The great citizens could not endure the Catasto, and not knowing how

  to set it aside, they endeavored to raise up more numerous enemies to

  the measure, and thus provide themselves with allies to assist them in

  annulling it. They therefore instructed the officers appointed to levy

  the tax, that the law required them to extend the Catasto over the

  property of their nearest neighbors, to see if Florentine wealth was

  concealed among it. The dependent states were therefore ordered to

  present a schedule of their property against a certain time. This was

  extremely offensive to the people of Volterra, who sent to the Signory

  to complain of it; but the officers, in great wrath, committed

  eighteen of the complainants to prison. The Volterrani, however, out

  of regard for their fellow-countrymen who were arrested, did not

  proceed to any violence.

  CHAPTER IV

  Death of Giovanni de' Medici--His character--Insurrection of

  Volterra--Volterra returns to her allegiance--Niccolo Fortebraccio

  attacks the Lucchese--Diversity of opinion about the Lucchese war

  --War with Lucca--Astore Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi

  appointed commissaries--Violence of Astorre Gianni.

  About this time Giovanni de' Medici was taken ill, and finding his end

  approach, called his sons Cosmo and Lorenzo to him, to give them his

  last advice, and said, "I find I have nearly reached the term which

  God and nature appointed at my birth, and I die content, knowing that

  I leave you rich, healthy, and of such standing in society, that if

  you pursue the same course that I have, you will live respected in

  Florence, and in favor with everyone. Nothing cheers me so much at

  this moment, as the recollection that I have never willfully offended

  anyone; but have always used my utmost endeavors to confer benefits

  upon all. I would have you do so too. With regard to state affairs, if

  you would live in security, take just such a share as the laws and

  your countrymen think proper to bestow, thus you will escape both

  danger and envy; for it is not what is given to any individual, but

  what he has determined to possess, that occasions odium. You will thus

  have a larger share than those who endeavor to engross more than

  belongs to them; for they thus usually lose their own, and before they

  lose it, live in constant disquiet. By adopting this method, although

  among so many enemies, and surrounded by so many conflicting

  interests, I have not only maintained my reputation but increased my

  influence. If you pursue the same course, you will be attended by the

  same good fortune; if otherwise, you may be assured, your end will

  resemble that of those who in our own times have brought ruin both

  upon themselves and their families." Soon after this interview with

  his sons, Giovanni died, regretted by everyone, as his many

  excellencies deserved. He was compassionate; not only bestowing alms

  on those who asked them, but very frequently relieving the necessities

  of the poor, without having been solicited so to do. He loved all;

  praised the good, and pitied the infirmities of the wicked. He never

  sought the honors of government; yet enjoyed them all; and never went

  to the palace unless by request. He loved peace and shunned war;

  relieved mankind in adversity, and assisted them in prosperity; never

  applied the public money to his own uses, but contributed to the

  public wealth. He was courteous in office; not a man of great

  eloquence, but possessed of extraordinary prudence. His demeanor

  expressed melancholy; but after a short time his conversation became

  pleasant and facetious. He died exceedingly rich in money, but still

  more in good fame and the best wishes of mankind; and the wealth and

  respect he left behind him were not only preserved but increased by

  his son Cosmo.

  The Volterran ambassadors grew weary of lying in prison, and to obtain

  their liberty pro
mised to comply with the commands of the Florentines.

  Being set free and returned to their city, the time arrived for the

  new Priors to enter upon office, and among those who were drawn, was

  one named Giusto, a plebeian, but possessing great influence with his

  class, and one of those who had been imprisoned at Florence. He, being

  inflamed with hatred against the Florentines on account of his public

  as well as personal injuries, was further stimulated by Giovanni di

  Contugi, a man of noble family, and his colleague in office, to induce

  the people, by the authority of the Priors and his own influence, to

  withdraw their country from the power of the Florentines, and make

  himself prince. Prompted by these motives, Giusto took arms, rode

  through the city, seized the Capitano, who resided in it, on behalf of

  the Florentines, and with the consent of the people, became lord of

  Volterra. This circumstance greatly displeased the Florentines; but

  having just made peace with the duke, and the treaty being yet

  uninfringed on either side, they bethought themselves in a condition

  to recover the place; and that the opportunity might not be lost, they

  immediately appointed Rinaldo degli Albizzi and Palla Strozzi

  commissaries, and sent them upon the expedition. In the meantime,

  Giusto, who expected the Florentines would attack him, requested

  assistance of Lucca and Sienna. The latter refused, alleging her

  alliance with Florence; and Pagolo Guinigi, to regain the favor of the

  Florentines, which he imagined he had lost in the war with the duke

  and by his friendship for Filippo, not only refused assistance to

  Giusto, but sent his messenger prisoner to Florence.

  The commissaries, to come upon the Volterrani unawares, assembled

  their cavalry, and having raised a good body of infantry in the Val

  d'Arno Inferiore, and the country about Pisa, proceeded to Volterra.

  Although attacked by the Florentines and abandoned by his neighbors,

  Giusto did not yield to fear; but, trusting to the strength of the

  city and the ruggedness of the country around it, prepared for his

  defense.

  There lived at Volterra one Arcolano, brother of that Giovanni Contugi

  who had persuaded Giusto to assume the command. He possessed influence

  among the nobility, and having assembled a few of his most

  confidential friends, he assured them that by this event, God had come

  to the relief of their necessities; for if they would only take arms,

  deprive Giusto of the Signory, and give up the city to the

  Florentines, they might be sure of obtaining the principal offices,

  and the place would retain all its ancient privileges. Having gained

  them over, they went to the palace in which Giusto resided; and while

  part of them remained below, Arcolano, with three others, proceeded to

  the chamber above, where finding him with some citizens, they drew him

  aside, as if desirous to communicate something of importance, and

  conversing on different subjects, let him to the lower apartment, and

  fell upon him with their swords. They, however, were not so quick as

  to prevent Giusto from making use of his own weapon; for with it he

  seriously wounded two of them; but being unable to resist so many, he

  was at last slain, and his body thrown into the street. Arcolano and

  his party gave up the city to the Florentine commissaries, who, being

  at hand with their forces, immediately took possession; but the

  condition of Volterra was worse than before; for among other things

  which operated to her disadvantage, most of the adjoining countryside

  was separated from her, and she was reduced to the rank of a

  vicariate.

  Volterra having been lost and recovered almost at the same time,

  present circumstances afforded nothing of sufficient importance to

  occasion a new war, if ambition had not again provoked one. Niccolo

  Fortebraccio, the son of a sister of Braccio da Perugia, had been in

  the service of the Florentines during most of their wars with the

  duke. Upon the restoration of peace he was discharged; but when the