History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

great talents. This man pointed out, that in consequence of the

  relative positions of the river Serchio and the city of Lucca, the

  wastes of the river might be made to inundate the surrounding country,

  and place the city in a kind of lake. His reasoning on this point

  appeared so clear, and the advantage to the besiegers so obvious and

  inevitable, that the Ten were induced to make the experiment. The

  result, however, was quite contrary to their expectation, and produced

  the utmost disorder in the Florentine camp; for the Lucchese raised

  high embankments in the direction of the ditch made by our people to

  conduct the waters of the Serchio, and one night cut through the

  embankment of the ditch itself, so that having first prevented the

  water from taking the course designed by the architect, they now

  caused it to overflow the plain, and compelled the Florentines,

  instead of approaching the city as they wished, to take a more remote

  position.

  The design having failed, the Council of Ten, who had been re-elected,

  sent as commissary, Giovanni Guicciardini, who encamped before Lucca,

  with all possible expedition. Pagolo Guinigi finding himself thus

  closely pressed, by the advice of Antonio del Rosso, then

  representative of the Siennese at Lucca, sent Salvestro Trento and

  Leonardo Bonvisi to Milan, to request assistance from the duke; but

  finding him indisposed to comply, they secretly engaged, on the part

  of the people, to deliver their governor up to him and give him

  possession of the place; at the same time intimating, that if he did

  not immediately follow this advice, he would not long have the

  opportunity, since it was the intention of Pagolo to surrender the

  city to the Florentines, who were very anxious to obtain it. The duke

  was so much alarmed with this idea, that, setting aside all other

  considerations, he caused Count Francesco Sforza, who was engaged in

  his service, to make a public request for permission to go to Naples;

  and having obtained it, he proceeded with his forces directly to

  Lucca, though the Florentines, aware of the deception, and

  apprehensive of the consequences, had sent to the count, Boccacino

  Alamanni, his friend, to frustrate this arrangement. Upon the arrival

  of the count at Lucca, the Florentines removed their camp to

  Librafatta, and the count proceeded immediately to Pescia, where

  Pagolo Diacceto was lieutenant governor, who, promoted by fear rather

  than any better motive, fled to Pistoia, and if the place had not been

  defended by Giovanni Malavolti, to whom the command was intrusted, it

  would have been lost. The count failing in his attempt went to Borgo a

  Buggiano which he took, and burned the castle of Stigliano, in the

  same neighborhood.

  The Florentines being informed of these disasters, found they must

  have recourse to those remedies which upon former occasions had often

  proved useful. Knowing that with mercenary soldiers, when force is

  insufficient, corruption commonly prevails, they offered the count a

  large sum of money on condition that he should quit the city, and give

  it up to them. The count finding that no more money was to be had from

  Lucca, resolved to take it of those who had it to dispense, and agreed

  with the Florentines, not to give them Lucca, which for decency he

  could not consent to, but to withdraw his troops, and abandon it, on

  condition of receiving fifty thousand ducats; and having made this

  agreement, to induce the Lucchese to excuse him to the duke, he

  consented that they should expel their tyrant.

  Antonio del Rosso, as we remarked above, was Siennese ambassador at

  Lucca, and with the authority of the count he contrived the ruin of

  Pagolo Guinigi. The heads of the conspiracy were Pierro Cennami and

  Giovanni da Chivizzano. The count resided upon the Serchio, at a short

  distance from the city, and with him was Lanzilao, the son of Pagolo.

  The conspirators, about forty in number, went armed at night in search

  of Pagolo, who, on hearing the noise they made, came toward them quite

  astonished, and demanded the cause of their visit; to which Piero

  Cennami replied, that they had long been governed by him, and led

  about against the enemy, to die either by hunger or the sword, but

  were resolved to govern themselves for the future, and demanded the

  keys of the city and the treasure. Pagolo said the treasure was

  consumed, but the keys and himself were in their power; he only begged

  that as his command had begun and continued without bloodshed, it

  might conclude in the same manner. Count Francesco conducted Pagolo

  and his son to the duke, and they afterward died in prison.

  The departure of the count having delivered Lucca from her tyrant, and

  the Florentines from their fear of his soldiery, the former prepared

  for her defense, and the latter resumed the siege. They appointed the

  count of Urbino to conduct their forces, and he pressed the Lucchese

  so closely, that they were again compelled to ask the assistance of

  the duke, who dispatched Niccolo Piccinino, under the same pretense as

  he previously sent Count Francesco. The Florentine forces met him on

  his approach to Lucca, and at the passage of the Serchio a battle

  ensued, in which they were routed, the commissary with a few of his

  men escaping to Pisa. This defeat filled the Florentines with dismay,

  and as the enterprise had been undertaken with the entire approbation

  of the great body of the people, they did not know whom to find fault

  with, and therefore railed against those who had been appointed to the

  management of the war, reviving the charges made against Rinaldo. They

  were, however, more severe against Giovanni Guicciardini than any

  other, declaring that if he had wished, he might have put a period to

  the war at the departure of Count Francesco, but that he had been

  bribed with money, for he had sent home a large sum, naming the party

  who had been intrusted to bring it, and the persons to whom it had

  been delivered. These complaints and accusations were carried to so

  great a length that the captain of the people, induced by the public

  voice, and pressed by the party opposed to the war, summoned him to

  trial. Giovanni appeared, though full of indignation. However his

  friends, from regard to their own character, adopted such a course

  with the Capitano as induced him to abandon the inquiry.

  After this victory, the Lucchese not only recovered the places that

  had belonged to them, but occupied all the country of Pisa except

  Beintina, Calcinaja, Livorno, and Librafatta; and, had not a

  conspiracy been discovered that was formed in Pisa, they would have

  secured that city also. The Florentines again prepared for battle, and

  appointed Micheletto, a pupil of Sforza, to be their leader. The duke,

  on the other hand, followed up this victory, and that he might bring a

  greater power against the Florentines, induced the Genoese, the

  Siennese, and the governor of Piombino, to enter into a league for the

  defense of Lucca, and to engage Niccolo Piccinino to conduct their

  forces. Having by this
step declared his design, the Venetians and the

  Florentines renewed their league, and the war was carried on openly in

  Tuscany and Lombardy, in each of which several battles were fought

  with variety of fortune. At length, both sides being wearied out, they

  came to terms for the cessation of hostilities, in May, 1433. By this

  arrangement the Florentines, Lucchese, and Siennese, who had each

  occupied many fortresses belonging to the others, gave them all up,

  and each party resumed its original possessions.

  CHAPTER VI

  Cosmo de' Medici, his character and mode of proceedings--The

  greatness of Cosmo excites the jealousy of the citizens--The

  opinion of Niccolo da Uzzano--Scandalous divisions of the

  Florentines--Death of Niccolo da Uzzano--Bernardo Guadagni,

  Gonfalonier, adopts measures against Cosmo--Cosmo arrested in the

  palace--He is apprehensive of attempts against his life.

  During the war the malignant humors of the city were in constant

  activity. Cosmo de' Medici, after the death of Giovanni, engaged more

  earnestly in public affairs, and conducted himself with more zeal and

  boldness in regard to his friends than his father had done, so that

  those who rejoiced at Giovanni's death, finding what the son was

  likely to become, perceived they had no cause for exultation. Cosmo

  was one of the most prudent of men; of grave and courteous demeanor,

  extremely liberal and humane. He never attempted anything against

  parties, or against rulers, but was bountiful to all; and by the

  unwearied generosity of his disposition, made himself partisans of all

  ranks of the citizens. This mode of proceeding increased the

  difficulties of those who were in the government, and Cosmo himself

  hoped that by its pursuit he might be able to live in Florence as much

  respected and as secure as any other citizen; or if the ambition of

  his adversaries compelled him to adopt a different course, arms and

  the favor of his friends would enable him to become more so. Averardo

  de' Medici and Puccio Pucci were greatly instrumental in the

  establishment of his power; the former by his boldness, the latter by

  unusual prudence and sagacity, contributed to his aggrandizement.

  Indeed the advice of wisdom of Puccio were so highly esteemed, that

  Cosmo's party was rather distinguished by the name of Puccio than by

  his own.

  By this divided city the enterprise against Lucca was undertaken; and

  the bitterness of party spirit, instead of being abated, increased.

  Although the friends of Cosmo had been in favor of it, many of the

  adverse faction were sent to assist in the management, as being men of

  greater influence in the state. Averardo de' Medici and the rest being

  unable to prevent this, endeavored with all their might to calumniate

  them; and when any unfavorable circumstance occurred (and there were

  many), fortune and the exertions of the enemy were never supposed to

  be the causes, but solely the want of capacity in the commissary. This

  disposition aggravated the offenses of Astorre Gianni; this excited

  the indignation of Rinaldo degli Albizzi, and made him resign his

  commission without leave; this, too, compelled the captain of the

  people to require the appearance of Giovanni Guicciardini, and from

  this arose all the other charges which were made against the

  magistrates and the commissaries. Real evils were magnified, unreal

  ones feigned, and the true and the false were equally believed by the

  people, who were almost universally their foes.

  All these events and extraordinary modes of proceeding were perfectly

  known to Niccolo da Uzzano and the other leaders of the party; and

  they had often consulted together for the purpose of finding a remedy,

  but without effect; though they were aware of the danger of allowing

  them to increase, and the great difficulty that would attend any

  attempt to remove or abate them. Niccolo da Uzzano was the earliest to

  take offense; and while the war was proceeding without, and these

  troubles within, Niccolo Barbadoro desirous of inducing him to consent

  to the ruin of Cosmo, waited upon him at his house; and finding him

  alone in his study, and very pensive, endeavored, with the best

  reasons he could advance, to persuade him to agree with Rinaldo on

  Cosmo's expulsion. Niccolo da Uzzano replied as follows: "It would be

  better for thee and thy house, as well as for our republic, if thou

  and those who follow thee in this opinion had beards of silver instead

  of gold, as is said of thee; for advice proceeding from the hoary head

  of long experience would be wiser and of greater service to all. It

  appears to me, that those who talk of driving Cosmo out of Florence

  would do well to consider what is their strength, and what that of

  Cosmo. You have named one party, that of the nobility, the other that

  of the plebeians. If the fact corresponded with the name, the victory

  would still be most uncertain, and the example of the ancient nobility

  of this city, who were destroyed by the plebeians, ought rather to

  impress us with fear than with hope. We have, however, still further

  cause for apprehension from the division of our party, and the union

  of our adversaries. In the first place, Neri di Gino and Nerone di

  Nigi, two of our principal citizens, have never so fully declared

  their sentiments as to enable us to determine whether they are most

  our friends our those of our opponents. There are many families, even

  many houses, divided; many are opposed to us through envy of brothers

  or relatives. I will recall to your recollection two or three of the

  most important; you may think of the others at your leisure. Of the

  sons of Maso degli Albizzi, Luca, from envy of Rinaldo, has thrown

  himself into their hands. In the house of Guicciardini, of the sons of

  Luigi, Piero is the enemy of Giovanni and in favor of our adversaries.

  Tommaso and Niccolo Soderini openly oppose us on account of their

  hatred of their uncle Francesco. So that if we consider well what we

  are, and what our enemies, I cannot see why we should be called NOBLE

  any more than they. If it is because they are followed by the

  plebeians, we are in a worse condition on that account, and they in a

  better; for were it to come either to arms or to votes, we should not

  be able to resist them. True it is, we still preserve our dignity, our

  precedence, the priority of our position, but this arises from the

  former reputation of the government, which has now continued fifty

  years; and whenever we come to the proof, or they discover our

  weakness we shall lose it. If you were to say, the justice of our

  cause ought to augment our influence and diminish theirs I answer,

  that this justice requires to be perceived and believed by others as

  well as by ourselves, but this is not the case; for the justice of our

  cause is wholly founded upon our suspicion that Cosmo designs to make

  himself prince of the city. And although we entertain this suspicion

  and suppose it to be correct, others have it not; but what is worse,

  they charge us with the very design of which we acc
use him. Those

  actions of Cosmo which lead us to suspect him are, that he lends money

  indiscriminately, and not to private persons only, but to the public;

  and not to Florentines only, but to the /condottieri/, the soldiers of

  fortune. Besides, he assists any citizen who requires magisterial aid;

  and, by the universal interest he possesses in the city, raises first

  one friend and then another to higher grades of honor. Therefore, to

  adduce our reasons for expelling him, would be to say that he is kind,

  generous, liberal, and beloved by all. Now tell me, what law is there

  which forbids, disapproves, or condemns men for being pious, liberal,

  and benevolent? And though they are all modes adopted by those who aim

  at sovereignty, they are not believed to be such, nor have we

  sufficient power to make them to be so esteemed; for our conduct has

  robbed us of confidence, and the city, naturally partial and (having

  always lived in faction) corrupt, cannot lend its attention to such

  charges. But even if we were successful in an attempt to expel him

  (which might easily happen under a favorable Signory), how could we

  (being surrounded by his innumerable friends, who would constantly

  reproach us, and ardently desire to see him again in the city) prevent

  his return? It would be impossible for they being so numerous, and

  having the good will of all upon their side, we should never be secure

  from them. And as many of his first discovered friends as you might

  expel, so many enemies would you make, so that in a short time he

  would return, and the result would be simply this, that we had driven

  him out a good man and he had returned to us a bad one; for his nature

  would be corrupted by those who recalled him, and he, being under

  obligation, could not oppose them. Or should you design to put him to

  death, you could not attain your purpose with the magistrates, for his

  wealth, and the corruption of your minds, will always save him. But

  let us suppose him put to death, or that being banished, he did not

  return, I cannot see how the condition of our republic would be

  ameliorated; for if we relieve her from Cosmo, we at once make her

  subject to Rinaldo, and it is my most earnest desire that no citizen

  may ever, in power and authority, surpass the rest. But if one of

  these must prevail, I know of no reason that should make me prefer

  Rinaldo to Cosmo. I shall only say, may God preserve the city from any

  of her citizens usurping the sovereignty, but if our sins have

  deserved this, in mercy save us from Rinaldo. I pray thee, therefore,

  do not advise the adoption of a course on every account pernicious,

  nor imagine that, in union with a few, you would be able to oppose the

  will of the many; for the citizens, some from ignorance and others

  from malice, are ready to sell the republic at any time, and fortune

  has so much favored them, that they have found a purchaser. Take my

  advice then; endeavor to live moderately; and with regard to liberty,

  you will find as much cause for suspicion in our party as in that of

  our adversaries. And when troubles arise, being of neither side, you

  will be agreeable to both, and you will thus provide for your own

  comfort and do no injury to any."

  These words somewhat abated the eagerness of Barbadoro, so that

  tranquillity prevailed during the war with Lucca. But this being

  ended, and Niccolo da Uzzano dead, the city being at peace and under

  no restraint, unhealthy humors increased with fearful rapidity.

  Rinaldo, considering himself now the leader of the party, constantly

  entreated and urged every citizen whom he thought likely to be

  Gonfalonier, to take up arms and deliver the country from him who,

  from the malevolence of a few and the ignorance of the multitude, was

  inevitably reducing it to slavery. These practices of Rinaldo, and

  those of the contrary side, kept the city full of apprehension, so

  that whenever a magistracy was created, the numbers of each party

  composing it were made publicly known, and upon drawing for the