History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

allowed to return, unless from the Signory and Colleagues, which were

  thirty-seven in number, the consent of thirty-four was obtained. It

  was made unlawful to write to or to receive letters from them; every

  word, sign, or action that gave offense to the ruling party was

  punished with the utmost rigor; and if there was still in Florence any

  suspected person whom these regulations did not reach, he was

  oppressed with taxes imposed for the occasion. Thus in a short time,

  having expelled or impoverished the whole of the adverse party, they

  established themselves firmly in the government. Not to be destitute

  of external assistance, and to deprive others of it, who might use it

  against themselves, they entered into a league, offensive and

  defensive, with the pope, the Venetians, and the duke of Milan.

  CHAPTER II

  Death of Giovanni II.--Ren? of Anjou and Alfonso of Aragon aspire

  to the kingdom--Alfonso is routed and taken by the Genoese--

  Alfonso being a prisoner of the duke of Milan, obtains his

  friendship--The Genoese disgusted with the duke of Milan--

  Divisions among the Genoese--The Genoese, by means of Francesco

  Spinola, expel the duke's governor--League against the duke of

  Milan--Rinaldo degli Albizzi advises the duke to make war against

  the Florentines--His discourse to the duke--The duke adopts

  measures injurious to the Florentines--Niccolo Piccinino appointed

  to command the duke's forces--Preparations of the Florentines--

  Piccinino routed before Barga.

  The affairs of Florence being in this condition, Giovanna, queen of

  Naples, died, and by her will appointed Ren? of Anjou to be her

  successor. Alfonso, king of Aragon, was at this time in Sicily, and

  having obtained the concurrence of many barons, prepared to take

  possession of the kingdom. The Neapolitans, with whom a greater number

  of barons were also associated, favored Ren?. The pope was unwilling

  that either of them should obtain it; but desired the affairs of

  Naples to be administered by a governor of his own appointing.

  In the meantime Alfonso entered the kingdom, and was received by the

  duke of Sessa; he brought with him some princes, whom he had engaged

  in his service, with the design (already possessing Capua, which the

  prince of Taranto held in his name) of subduing the Neapolitans, and

  sent his fleet to attack Gaeta, which had declared itself in their

  favor. They therefore demanded assistance of the duke of Milan, who

  persuaded the Genoese to undertake their defense; and they, to satisfy

  the duke their sovereign, and protect the merchandise they possessed,

  both at Naples and Gaeta, armed a powerful fleet. Alfonso hearing of

  this, augmented his own naval force, went in person to meet the

  Genoese, and coming up with them near the island of Ponzio, an

  engagement ensued, in which the Aragonese were defeated, and Alfonso,

  with many of the princes of his suite, made prisoners, and sent by the

  Genoese to the Filippo.

  This victory terrified the princes of Italy, who, being jealous of the

  duke's power, thought it would give him a great opportunity of being

  sovereign of the whole country. But so contrary are the views of men,

  that he took a directly opposite course. Alfonso was a man of great

  sagacity, and as soon as an opportunity presented itself of

  communicating with Filippo, he proved to him how completely he

  contravened his own interests, by favoring Ren? and opposing himself;

  for it would be the business of the former, on becoming king of

  Naples, to introduce the French into Milan; that in an emergency he

  might have assistance at hand, without the necessity of having to

  solicit a passage for his friends. But he could not possibly secure

  this advantage without effecting the ruin of the duke, and making his

  dominions a French province; and that the contrary of all this would

  result from himself becoming lord of Naples; for having only the

  French to fear, he would be compelled to love and caress, nay even to

  obey those who had it in their power to open a passage for his

  enemies. That thus the title of king of king of Naples would be with

  himself (Alfonso), but the power and authority with Filippo; so that

  it was much more the duke's business than his own to consider the

  danger of one course and the advantage of the other; unless he rather

  wished to gratify his private prejudices than to give security to his

  dominions. In the one case he would be a free prince, in the other,

  placed between two powerful sovereigns, he would either be robbed of

  his territories or live in constant fear, and have to obey them like a

  slave. These arguments so greatly influenced the duke, that, changing

  his design, he set Alfonso at liberty, sent him honorably to Genoa and

  then to Naples. From thence the king went to Gaeta, which as soon as

  his liberation had become known, was taken possession of by some

  nobles of his party.

  The Genoese, seeing that the duke, without the least regard for them,

  had liberated the king, and gained credit to himself through the

  dangers and expense which they had incurred; that he enjoyed all the

  honor of the liberation, and they were themselves exposed to the odium

  of the capture, and the injuries consequent upon the king's defeat,

  were greatly exasperated. In the city of Genoa, while in the enjoyment

  of her liberty, a magistrate is created with the consent of the

  people, whom they call the Doge; not that he is absolutely a prince,

  or that he alone has the power of determining matters of government;

  but that, as the head of the state, he proposes those questions or

  subjects which have to be considered and determined by the magistrates

  and the councils. In that city are many noble families so powerful,

  that they are with great difficulty induced to submit to the authority

  of the law. Of these, the most powerful are the Fregosa and the

  Adorna, from whom arise the dissensions of the city, and the impotence

  of her civil regulations; for the possession of this high office being

  contested by means inadmissible in well-regulated communities, and

  most commonly with arms in their hands, it always occurs that one

  party is oppressed and the other triumphant; and sometimes those who

  fail in the pursuit have recourse to the arms of strangers, and the

  country they are not allowed to rule they subject to foreign

  authority. Hence it happens, that those who govern in Lombardy most

  commonly command in Genoa, as occurred at the time Alfonso of Aragon

  was made prisoner. Among the leading Genoese who had been instrumental

  in subjecting the republic to Filippo, was Francesco Spinola, who,

  soon after he had reduced his country to bondage, as always happens in

  such cases, became suspected by the duke. Indignant at this, he

  withdrew to a sort of voluntary exile at Gaeta, and being there when

  the naval expedition was in preparation, and having conducted himself

  with great bravery in the action, he thought he had again merited so

  much of the duke's confidence as would obtain for him permission to

  re
main undisturbed at Genoa. But the duke still retained his

  suspicions; for he could not believe that a vacillating defender of

  his own country's liberty would be faithful to himself; and Francesco

  Spinola resolved again to try his fortune, and if possible restore

  freedom to his country, and honorable safety for himself; for he was

  there was no probability of regaining the forfeited affection of his

  fellow-citizens, but by resolving at his own peril to remedy the

  misfortunes which he had been so instrumental in producing. Finding

  the indignation against the duke universal, on account of the

  liberation of the king, he thought the moment propitious for the

  execution of his design. He communicated his ideas to some whom he

  knew to be similarly inclined, and his arguments ensured their

  co-operation.

  The great festival of St. John the Baptist being come, when Arismeno,

  the new governor sent by the duke, was to enter Genoa, and he being

  already arrived, accompanied by Opicino, the former governor, and many

  Genoese citizens, Francesco Spinola thought further delay improper;

  and, issuing from his house with those acquainted with his design, all

  armed, they raised the cry of liberty. It was wonderful to see how

  eagerly the citizens and people assembled at the word; so that those

  who for any reason might be favorable to Filippo, not only had no time

  to arm, but scarcely to consider the means of escape. Arismeno, with

  some Genoese, fled to the fortress which was held for the duke,

  Opicino, thinking that if he could reach the palace, where two

  thousand men were in arms, and at his command, he might be able either

  to effect his own safety, or induce his friends to defend themselves,

  took that direction; but before he arrived at the piazza he was slain,

  his body divided into many pieces and scattered about the city. The

  Genoese having placed the government in the hands of free magistrates,

  in a few days recovered the castle, and the other strongholds

  possessed by the duke, and delivered themselves entirely from his

  yoke.

  These transactions, though at first they had alarmed the princes of

  Italy with the apprehension that the duke would become too powerful,

  now gave them hope, seeing the turn they had taken, of being able to

  restrain him; and, notwithstanding the recent league, the Florentines

  and Venetians entered into alliance with the Genoese. Rinaldo degli

  Albizzi and the other leading Florentine exiles, observing the altered

  aspect of affairs, conceived hopes of being able to induce the duke to

  make war against Florence, and having arrived at Milan, Rinaldo

  addressed him in the following manner: "If we, who were once your

  enemies, come now confidently to supplicate your assistance to enable

  us to return to our country, neither you, nor anyone, who considers

  the course and vicissitudes of human affairs, can be at all surprised;

  for of our past conduct toward yourself and our present intentions

  toward our country, we can adduce palpable and abundant reasons. No

  good man will ever reproach another who endeavors to defend his

  country, whatever be his mode of doing so; neither have we had any

  design of injuring you, but only to preserve our country from

  detriment; and we appeal to yourself, whether, during the greatest

  victories of our league, when you were really desirous of peace, we

  were not even more anxious for it than yourself; so that we do not

  think we have done aught to make us despair altogether of favor from

  you. Nor can our country itself complain that we now exhort you to use

  those arms against her, from which we have so pertinaciously defended

  her; for that state alone merits the love of all her citizens, which

  cares with equal affection for all; not one that favors a few, and

  casts from her the great mass of her children. Nor are the arms that

  men use against their country to be universally condemned; for

  communities, although composed of many, resemble individual bodies;

  and as in these, many infirmities arise which cannot be cured without

  the application of fire or of steel, so in the former, there often

  occur such numerous and great evils, that a good and merciful citizen,

  when there is a necessity for the sword, would be much more to blame

  in leaving her uncured, than by using this remedy for her

  preservation. What greater disease can afflict a republic than

  slavery? and what remedy is more desirable for adoption than the one

  by which alone it can be effectually removed? No wars are just but

  those that are necessary; and force is merciful when it presents the

  only hope of relief. I know not what necessity can be greater than

  ours, or what compassion can exceed that which rescues our country

  from slavery. Our cause is therefore just, and our purpose merciful,

  as both yourself and we may be easily convinced. The amplest justice

  is on your side; for the Florentines have not hesitated, after a peace

  concluded with so much solemnity, to enter into league with those who

  have rebelled against you; so that if our cause is insufficient to

  excite you against them, let your own just indignation do so; and the

  more so, seeing the facility of the undertaking. You need be under no

  apprehension from the memory of the past, in which you may have

  observed the power of that people and their pertinency in self-

  defense; though these might reasonably excite fear, if they were still

  animated by the valor of former times. But now, all is entirely the

  reverse; for what power can be expected in a city that has recently

  expelled the greatest part of her wealth and industry? What

  indomitable resolution need be apprehended from the people whom so

  many and such recent enmities have disunited? The disunion which still

  prevails will prevent wealthy citizens advancing money as they used to

  do on former occasions; for though men willingly contribute according

  to their means, when they see their own credit, glory, and private

  advantage dependent upon it, or when there is a hope of regaining in

  peace what has been spent in war, but not when equally oppressed under

  all circumstances, when in war they suffer the injuries of the enemy,

  and in peace, the insolence of those who govern them. Besides this,

  the people feel more deeply the avarice of their rulers, than the

  rapacity of the enemy; for there is hope of being ultimately relieved

  from the latter evil, but none from the former. Thus, in the last war,

  you had to contend with the whole city; but now with only a small

  portion. You attempted to take the government from many good citizens;

  but now you oppose only a few bad ones. You then endeavored to deprive

  a city of her liberty, now you come to restore it. As it is

  unreasonable to suppose that under such disparity of circumstances,

  the result should be the same, you have now every reason to anticipate

  an easy victory; and how much it will strengthen your own government,

  you may easily judge; having Tuscany friendly, and bound by so

  powerful an obligation, in your enterprises, she will be even of more

  ser
vice to you than Milan. And, although, on former occasions, such an

  acquisition might be looked upon as ambitious and unwarrantable, it

  will now be considered merciful and just. Then do not let this

  opportunity escape, and be assured, that although your attempts

  against the city have been attended with difficulty, expense, and

  disgrace, this will with facility procure you incalculable advantage

  and an honorable renown."

  Many words were not requisite to induce the duke to hostilities

  against the Florentines, for he was incited to it by hereditary hatred

  and blind ambition, and still more, by the fresh injuries which the

  league with the Genoese involved; yet his past expenses, the dangerous

  measures necessary, the remembrance of his recent losses, and the vain

  hopes of the exiles, alarmed him. As soon as he had learned the revolt

  of Genoa, he ordered Niccolo Piccinino to proceed thither with all his

  cavalry and whatever infantry he could raise, for the purpose of

  recovering her, before the citizens had time to become settled and

  establish a government; for he trusted greatly in the fortress within

  the city, which was held for him. And although Niccolo drove the

  Genoese from the mountains, took from them the valley of Pozeveri,

  where they had entrenched themselves, and obliged them to seek refuge

  within the walls of the city, he still found such an insurmountable

  obstacle in the resolute defense of the citizens, that he was

  compelled to withdraw. On this, at the suggestion of the Florentine

  exiles, he commanded Niccolo to attack them on the eastern side, upon

  the confines of Pisa in the Genoese territory, and to push the war

  with his utmost vigor, thinking this plan would manifest and develop

  the course best to be adopted. Niccolo therefore besieged and took

  Serezana, and having committed great ravages, by way of further

  alarming the Florentines he proceeded to Lucca, spreading a report

  that it was his intention to go to Naples to render assistance to the

  king of Aragon. Upon these new events Pope Eugenius left Florence and

  proceeded to Bologna, where he endeavored to effect an amicable

  arrangement between the league and the duke, intimating to the latter,

  that if he would not consent to some treaty, the pontiff must send

  Francesco Sforza to assist the league, for the latter was now his

  confederate, and served in his pay. Although the pope greatly exerted

  himself in this affair, his endeavors were unavailing; for the duke

  would not listen to any proposal that did not leave him the possession

  of Genoa, and the league had resolved that she should remain free;

  and, therefore, each party, having no other resource, prepared to

  continue the war.

  In the meantime Niccolo Piccinino arrived at Lucca, and the

  Florentines, being doubtful what course to adopt, ordered Neri di Gino

  to lead their forces into the Pisan territory, induced the pontiff to

  allow Count Francesco to join him, and with their forces they halted

  at San Gonda. Piccinino then demanded admission into the kingdom of

  Naples, and this being refused, he threatened to force a passage. The

  armies were equal, both in regard of numbers and the capacity of their

  leaders, and unwilling to tempt fortune during the bad weather, it

  being the month of December, they remained several days without

  attacking each other. The first movement was made by Niccolo

  Piccinino, who being informed that if he attacked Vico Pisano by

  night, he could easily take possession of the place, made the attempt,

  and having failed, ravaged the surrounding country, and then burned

  and plundered the town of San Giovanni alla Vena. This enterprise,

  though of little consequence, excited him to make further attempts,

  the more so from being assured that the count and Neri were yet in

  their quarters, and he attacked Santa Maria in Castello and Filetto,

  both which places he took. Still the Florentine forces would not stir;

  not that the count entertained any fear, but because, out of regard to