History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

ambassador. Having thus almost become masters of the city, they

  considered what course was next to be adopted to escape from the

  horrors surrounding them, and to procure peace. A feeling universally

  prevailed, that as they could not preserve their own liberty, they

  ought to submit to a prince who could defend them. Some proposed King

  Alfonso, some the duke of Savoy, and others the king of France, but

  none mentioned the count, so great was the general indignation against

  him. However, disagreeing with the rest, Gasparre da Vicomercato

  proposed him, and explained in detail that if they desired relief from

  war, no other plan was open, since the people of Milan required a

  certain and immediate peace, and not a distant hope of succor. He

  apologized for the count's proceedings, accused the Venetians, and all

  the powers of Italy, of which some from ambition and others from

  avarice were averse to their possessing freedom. Having to dispose of

  their liberty, it would be preferable, he said, to obey one who knew

  and could defend them; so that, by their servitude they might obtain

  peace, and not bring upon themselves greater evils and more dangerous

  wars. He was listened to with the most profound attention; and, having

  concluded his harangue, it was unanimously resolved by the assembly,

  that the count should be called in, and Gasparre was appointed to wait

  upon him and signify their desire. By the people's command he conveyed

  the pleasing and happy intelligence to the count, who heard it with

  the utmost satisfaction, and entered Milan as prince on the twenty-

  sixth of February, 1450, where he was received with the greatest

  possible joy by those who, only a short time previously had heaped on

  him all the slanders that hatred could inspire.

  The news of this event reaching Florence, orders were immediately sent

  to the envoys who were upon the way to Milan, that instead of treating

  for his alliance with the count, they should congratulate the duke

  upon his victory; they, arranging accordingly, had a most honorable

  reception, and were treated with all possible respect; for the duke

  well knew that in all Italy he could not find braver or more faithful

  friends, to defend him against the power of the Venetians, than the

  Florentines, who, being no longer in fear of the house of Visconti,

  found themselves opposed by the Aragonese and Venetians; for the

  Aragonese princes of Naples were jealous of the friendship which the

  Florentines had always evinced for the family of France; and the

  Venetians seeing the ancient enmity of the Florentines against the

  Visconti transferred to themselves, resolved to injure them as much as

  possible; for they knew how pertinaciously and invariably they had

  persecuted the Lombard princes. These considerations caused the new

  duke willingly to join the Florentines, and united the Venetians and

  King Alfonso against their common enemies; impelling them at the same

  time to hostilities, the king against the Florentines, and the

  Venetians against the duke, who, being fresh in the government, would,

  they imagined, be unable to resist them, even with all the aid he

  could obtain.

  But as the league between the Florentines and the Venetians still

  continued, and as the king, after the war of Piombino, had made peace

  with the former, it seemed indecent to commence an open rupture until

  some plausible reason could be assigned in justification of offensive

  measures. On this account each sent ambassadors to Florence, who, on

  the part of their sovereigns, signified that the league formed between

  them was made not for injury to any, but solely for the mutual defense

  of their states. The Venetian ambassador then complained that the

  Florentines had allowed Alessandro, the duke's brother, to pass into

  Lombardy with his forces; and besides this, had assisted and advised

  in the treaty made between the duke and the marquis of Mantua, matters

  which he declared to be injurious to the Venetians, and inconsistent

  with the friendship hitherto subsisting between the two governments;

  amicably reminding them, that one who inflicts unmerited injury, gives

  others just ground of hostility, and that those who break a peace may

  expect war. The Signory appointed Cosmo de' Medici to reply to what

  had been said by the Venetian ambassador, and in a long and excellent

  speech he recounted the numerous advantages conferred by the city on

  the Venetian republic; showed what an extent of dominion they had

  acquired by the money, forces, and counsel of the Florentines, and

  reminded him that, although the friendship had originated with the

  Florentines, they had never given occasion of enmity; and as they

  desired peace, they greatly rejoiced when the treaty was made, if it

  had been entered into for the sake of peace, and not of war. True it

  was, he wondered much at the remarks which had been made, seeing that

  such light and trivial matters should give offense to so great a

  republic; but if they were worthy of notice he must have it

  universally understood, that the Florentines wished their country to

  be free and open to all; and that the duke's character was such, that

  if he desired the friendship of the marquis of Mantua, he had no need

  of anyone's favor or advice. He therefore feared that these cavils

  were produced by some latent motive, which it was not thought proper

  to disclose. Be this as it might, they would freely declare to all,

  that in the same proportion as the friendship of the Florentines was

  beneficial their enmity could be destructive.

  The matter was hushed up; and the ambassadors, on their departure,

  appeared perfectly satisfied. But the league between the king and the

  Venetians made the Florentines and the duke rather apprehend war than

  hope for a long continuance of peace. They therefore entered into an

  alliance, and at the same time the enmity of the Venetians transpired

  by a treaty with the Siennese, and the expulsion of all Florentine

  subjects from their cities and territories. Shortly after this,

  Alfonso did the same, without any consideration of the peace made the

  year previous, and not having even the shadow of an excuse. The

  Venetians attempted to take Bologna, and having armed the emigrants,

  and united to them a considerable force, introduced them into the city

  by night through one of the common sewers. No sooner had they entered,

  than they raised a cry, by which Santi Bentivogli, being awakened, was

  told that the whole city was in possession of the rebels. But though

  many advised him to escape, saying that he could not save the city by

  his stay, he determined to confront the danger, and taking arms

  encouraged his followers, assembled a few friends, attacked and routed

  part of the rebels, slew many more, and drove the remainder out of the

  city. By this act of bravery all agreed he had fully proved himself a

  genuine scion of the house of the Bentivogli.

  These events and demonstrations gave the Florentines an earnest of

  approaching war; they consequently followed their usual practice on

  similar occasions, and cre
ated the Council of Ten. They engaged new

  condottieri, sent ambassadors to Rome, Naples, Venice, Milan, and

  Sienna, to demand assistance from their friends, gain information

  about those they suspected, decide such as were wavering, and discover

  the designs of the foe. From the pope they obtained only general

  expressions of an amicable disposition and admonitions to peace; from

  the king, empty excuses for having expelled the Florentines, and

  offers of safe conduct for whoever should demand it; and although he

  endeavored, as much as possible, to conceal every indication of his

  hostile designs, the ambassadors felt convinced of his unfriendly

  disposition, and observed many preparations tending to the injury of

  the republic. The League with the duke was strengthened by mutual

  obligations, and through his means they became friends with the

  Genoese, the old differences with them respecting reprisals, and other

  small matters of dispute, being composed, although the Venetians used

  every possible means to prevent it, and entreated the emperor of

  Constantinople to expel all Florentines from his dominions; so fierce

  was the animosity with which they entered on this war, and so powerful

  their lust of dominion, that without the least hesitation they sought

  the destruction of those who had been the occasion of their own power.

  The emperor, however, refused to listen to them. The Venetian senate

  forbade the Florentine ambassadors to enter their territories,

  alleging, that being in league with the king, they could not entertain

  them without his concurrence. The Siennese received the ambassadors

  with fair words, fearing their own ruin before the League could assist

  them, and therefore endeavored to appease the powers whose attack they

  were unable to resist. The Venetians and the king (as was then

  conjectured) were disposed to send ambassadors to Florence to justify

  the war. But the Venetian envoy was not allowed to enter the

  Florentine dominions, and the king's ambassador, being unwilling to

  perform his office alone, the embassy was not completed; and thus the

  Venetians learned, that however little they might esteem the

  Florentines, the latter had still less respect for them.

  In the midst of these fears, the emperor, Frederick III., came into

  Italy to be crowned. On the thirtieth of January, 1451, he entered

  Florence with fifteen hundred horse, and was most honorably received

  by the Signory. He remained in the city till the sixth of February,

  and then proceeded to Rome for his coronation, where, having been

  solemnly consecrated, and his marriage celebrated with the empress,

  who had come to Rome by sea, he returned to Germany, and again passed

  through Florence in May, with the same honors as upon his arrival. On

  his return, having derived some benefits from the marquis of Mantua,

  he conceded to him Modena and Reggio. In the meantime, the Florentines

  did not fail to prepare themselves for immediate war; and to augment

  their influence, and strike the enemy with terror, they, in

  conjunction with the duke, entered into alliance with the king of

  France for the mutual defense of their states. This treaty was

  published with great pomp throughout all Italy.

  The month of May, 1452, having arrived, the Venetians thought it not

  desirable to defer any longer their attack upon the duke, and with

  sixteen thousand horse and six thousand foot assailed his territories

  in the direction of Lodi, while the marquis of Montferrat, instigated

  either by his own ambition or the entreaties of the Venetians, did the

  same on the side of Alexandria. The duke assembled a force of eighteen

  thousand cavalry and three thousand infantry, garrisoned Alexandria

  and Lodi, and all the other places where the enemy might annoy them.

  He then attacked the Brescian territory, and greatly harassed the

  Venetians; while both parties alike plundered the country and ravaged

  the smaller towns. Having defeated the marquis of Montferrat at

  Alexandria, the duke was able to unite his whole force against the

  Venetians and invade their territory.

  While the war in Lombardy proceeded thus, giving rise to various

  trifling incidents unworthy of recital, King Alfonso and the

  Florentines carried on hostilities in Tuscany, but in a similarly

  inefficient manner, evincing no greater talent, and incurring no

  greater danger. Ferrando, the illegitimate son of Alfonso, entered the

  country with twelve thousand troops, under the command of Federigo,

  lord of Urbino. Their first attempt was to attack Fojano, in the Val

  di Chiane; for, having the Siennese in their favor, they entered the

  Florentine territory in that direction. The walls of the castle were

  weak, and it was small, and consequently poorly manned, but the

  garrison were, among the soldiers of that period, considered brave and

  faithful. Two hundred infantry were also sent by the Signory for its

  defense. Before this castle, thus provided, Ferrando sat down, and

  either from the valor of its defenders or his own deficiencies,

  thirty-six days elapsed before he took it. This interval enabled the

  city to make better provision for places of greater importance, to

  collect forces and conclude more effective arrangements than had

  hitherto been made. The enemy next proceeded into the district of

  Chiane, where they attacked two small towns, the property of private

  citizens, but could not capture them. They then encamped before the

  Castellina, a fortress upon the borders of the Chianti, within ten

  miles of Sienna, weak from its defective construction, and still more

  so by its situation; but, notwithstanding these defects, the

  assailants were compelled to retire in disgrace, after having lain

  before it forty-four days. So formidable were those armies, and so

  perilous those wars, that places now abandoned as untenable were then

  defended as impregnable.

  While Ferrando was encamped in the Chianti he made many incursions,

  and took considerable booty from the Florentine territories, extending

  his depredations within six miles of the city, to the great alarm and

  injury of the people, who at this time, having sent their forces to

  the number of eight thousand soldiers under Astorre da Faenza and

  Gismondo Malatesti toward Castel di Colle, kept them at a distance

  from the enemy, lest they should be compelled to an engagement; for

  they considered that so long as they were not beaten in a pitched

  battle, they could not be vanquished in the war generally; for small

  castles, when lost, were recovered at the peace, and larger places

  were in no danger, because the enemy would not venture to attack them.

  The king had also a fleet of about twenty vessels, comprising galleys

  and smaller craft, which lay off Pisa, and during the siege of

  Castellina were moored near the Rocca di Vada, which, from the

  negligence of the governor, he took, and then harassed the surrounding

  country. However, this annoyance was easily removed by a few soldiers

  sent by the Florentines to Campiglia, and who confined the enemy to

  the coast.

 
CHAPTER VI

  Conspiracy of Stefano Porcari against the papal government--The

  conspirators discovered and punished--The Florentines recover the

  places they had lost--Gherardo Gambacorti, lord of Val di Bagno,

  endeavors to transfer his territories to the king of Naples--

  Gallant conduct of Antonio Gualandi, who counteracts the design of

  Gambacorti--Ren? of Anjou is called into Italy by the Florentines

  --Ren? returns to France--The pope endeavors to restore peace--

  Peace proclaimed--Jacopo Piccinino attacks the Siennese.

  The pontiff did not interfere in these affairs further than to

  endeavor to bring the parties to a mutual accommodation; but while he

  refrained from external wars he incurred the danger of more serious

  troubles at home. Stefano Porcari was a Roman citizen, equally

  distinguished for nobility of birth and extent of learning, but still

  more by the excellence of his character. Like all who are in pursuit

  of glory, he resolved either to perform or to attempt something worthy

  of memory, and thought he could not do better than deliver his country

  from the hands of the prelates, and restore the ancient form of

  government; hoping, in the event of success, to be considered a new

  founder or second father of the city. The dissolute manners of the

  priesthood, and the discontent of the Roman barons and people,

  encouraged him to look for a happy termination of his enterprise; but

  he derived his greatest confidence from those verses of Petrarch in

  the canzone which begins, "Spirto gentil che quelle membra reggi,"

  where he says,--

  "Sopra il Monte Tarpejo canzon vedra,

  Un cavalier, ch' Italia tutta onora,

  Pensoso piu d'altrui, che di se stesso."

  Stefano, believing poets are sometimes endowed with a divine and

  prophetic spirit, thought the event must take place which Petrarch in

  this canzone seemed to foretell, and that he was destined to effect

  the glorious task; considering himself in learning, eloquence,

  friends, and influence, superior to any other citizen of Rome. Having

  taken these impressions, he had not sufficient prudence to avoid

  discovering his design by his discourse, demeanor, and mode of living;

  so that the pope becoming acquainted with it, in order to prevent the

  commission of some rash act, banished him to Bologna and charged the

  governor of the city to compel his appearance before him once every

  day. Stefano was not daunted by this first check, but with even

  greater earnestness prosecuted his undertaking, and, by such means as

  were available, more cautiously corresponded with his friends, and

  often went and returned from Rome with such celerity as to be in time

  to present himself before the governor within the limit allowed for

  his appearance. Having acquired a sufficient number of partisans, he

  determined to make the attempt without further delay, and arranged

  with his friends at Rome to provide an evening banquet, to which all

  the conspirators were invited, with orders that each should bring with

  him his most trust-worthy friends, and himself promised to be with him

  before the entertainment was served. Everything was done according to

  this orders, and Stefano Porcari arrived at the place appointed.

  Supper being brought in, he entered the apartment dressed in cloth of

  gold, with rich ornaments about his neck, to give him a dignified

  appearance and commanding aspect. Having embraced the company, he

  delivered a long oration to dispose their minds to the glorious

  undertaking. He then arranged the measures to be adopted, ordering

  that one part of them should, on the following morning, take

  possession of the pontiff's palace, and that the other should call the

  people of Rome to arms. The affair came to the knowledge of the pope

  the same night, some say by treachery among the conspirators, and

  others that he knew of Porcari's presence at Rome. Be this as it may,

  on the night of the supper Stefano, and the greater part of his

  associates, were arrested, and afterward expiated their crime by