History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

Villamarina, when he died after a sudden illness, and thus John and

  the Genoese were relieved from the war. Ferrando, who succeeded to the

  kingdom of his father Alfonso, became alarmed at having so powerful an

  enemy in Italy, and was doubtful of the disposition of many of his

  barons, who being desirous of change, he feared would take part with

  the French. He was also apprehensive of the pope, whose ambition he

  well knew, and who seeing him new in the government, might design to

  take it from him. He had no hope except from the duke of Milan, who

  entertained no less anxiety concerning the affairs of the kingdom than

  Ferrando; for he feared that if the French were to obtain it, they

  would endeavor to annex his own dominions; which he knew they

  considered to be rightfully their own. He, therefore, soon after the

  death of Alfonso, sent letters and forces to Ferrando; the latter to

  give him aid and influence, the former to encourage him with an

  intimation that he would not, under any circumstances, forsake him.

  The pontiff intended, after the death of Alfonso, to give the kingdom

  of Naples to his nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia, and, to furnish a

  decent pretext for his design and obtain the concurrence of the powers

  of Italy in its favor he signified a wish to restore that realm to the

  dominion of the church of Rome; and therefore persuaded the duke not

  to assist Ferrando. But in the midst of these views and opening

  enterprises, Calixtus died, and Pius II. of Siennese origin, of the

  family of the Piccolomini, and by name ?neas, succeeded to the

  pontificate. This pontiff, free from the ties of private interest,

  having no object but to benefit Christendom and honor the church, at

  the duke's entreaty crowned Ferrando king of Naples; judging it easier

  to establish peace if the kingdom remained in the hands which at

  present held it, than if he were to favor the views of the French, or,

  as Calixtus purposed, take it for himself. Ferrando, in acknowledgment

  of the benefit, created Antonio, one of the pope's nephews, prince of

  Malfi, gave him an illegitimate daughter of his own in marriage, and

  restored Benevento and Terracina to the church.

  It thus appeared that the internal dissensions of Italy might be

  quelled, and the pontiff prepared to induce the powers of Christendom

  to unite in an enterprise against the Turks (as Calixtus had

  previously designed) when differences arose between the Fregosi and

  John of Anjou, the lord of Genoa, which occasioned greater and more

  important wars than those recently concluded. Pietrino Fregoso was at

  his castle of Riviera, and thought he had not been rewarded by John in

  proportion to his family's merits; for it was by their means the

  latter had become prince of the city. This impression drove the

  parties into open enmity; a circumstance gratifying to Ferrando, who

  saw in it relief from his troubles, and the sole means of procuring

  his safety: he therefore assisted Pietrino with money and men,

  trusting to drive John out of the Genoese territory. The latter being

  aware of his design, sent for aid to France; and, on obtaining it,

  attacked Pietrino, who, through his numerous friends, entertained the

  strongest assurance of success; so that John was compelled to keep

  within the city, into which Pietrino having entered by night, took

  possession of some parts of it; but upon the return of day, his people

  were all either slain or made prisoners by John's troops, and he

  himself was found among the dead.

  This victory gave John hopes of recovering the kingdom; and in

  October, 1459, he sailed thither from Genoa, with a powerful fleet,

  and landed at Baia; whence he proceeded to Sessa, by the duke of which

  place he was favorably received. The prince of Taranto, the Aquilani,

  with several cities and other princes, also joined him; so that a

  great part of the kingdom fell into his hands. On this Ferrando

  applied for assistance to the pope and the duke of Milan; and, to

  diminish the number of his enemies, made peace with Gismondo

  Malatesti, which gave so much offense to Jacopo Piccinino, the

  hereditary enemy of Gismondo, that he resigned his command under

  Ferrando, and joined his rival. Ferrando also sent money to Federigo,

  lord of Urbino, and collected with all possible speed what was in

  those times considered a tolerable army; which, meeting the enemy upon

  the river Sarni, an engagement ensued in which Ferrando was routed,

  and many of his principal officers taken. After this defeat, the city

  of Naples alone, with a few smaller places and princes of inferior

  note, adhered to Ferrando, the greater part having submitted to John.

  Jacopo Piccinino, after the victory, advised an immediate march upon

  Naples; but John declined this, saying, he would first reduce the

  remainder of the kingdom, and then attack the seat of government. This

  resolution occasioned the failure of his enterprise; for he did not

  consider how much more easily the members follow the head than the

  head the members.

  After his defeat, Ferrando took refuge in Naples, whither the

  scattered remnants of his people followed him; and by soliciting his

  friends, he obtained money and a small force. He sent again for

  assistance to the pope and the duke, by both of whom he was supplied

  more liberally and speedily than before; for they began to entertain

  most serious apprehensions of his losing the kingdom. His hopes were

  thus revived; and, marching from Naples, he regained his reputation in

  his dominions, and soon obtained the places of which he had been

  deprived. While the war was proceeding in the kingdom, a circumstance

  occurred by which John of Anjou lost his influence, and all chance of

  success in the enterprise. The Genoese had become so weary of the

  haughty and avaricious dominion of the French, that they took arms

  against the viceroy, and compelled him to seek refuge in the

  castelletto; the Fregosi and the Adorni united in the enterprise

  against him, and were assisted with money and troops by the duke of

  Milan, both for the recovery and preservation of the government. At

  the same time, King Ren? coming with a fleet to the assistance of his

  son, and hoping to recover Genoa by means of the castelletto, upon

  landing his forces was so completely routed, that he was compelled to

  return in disgrace to Provence. When the news of his father's defeat

  reached Naples, John was greatly alarmed, but continued the war for a

  time by the assistance of those barons who, being rebels, knew they

  would obtain no terms from Ferrando. At length, after various trifling

  occurrences, the two royal armies came to an engagement, in which John

  was routed near Troia, in the year 1463. He was, however, less injured

  by his defeat than by the desertion of Jacopo Piccinino, who joined

  Ferrando; and, being abandoned by his troops, he was compelled to take

  refuge in Istria, and thence withdrew to France. This war continued

  four years. John's failure was attributable to negligence; for victory

  was often within his grasp, but he did not take proper means to secure r />
  it. The Florentines took no decisive part in this war. John, king of

  Aragon, who succeeded upon the death of Alfonso, sent ambassadors to

  request their assistance for his nephew Ferrando, in compliance with

  the terms of the treaty recently made with his father Alfonso. The

  Florentines replied, that they were under no obligation; that they did

  not think proper to assist the son in a war commenced by the father

  with his own forces; and that as it was begun without either their

  counsel or knowledge, it must be continued and concluded without their

  help. The ambassadors affirmed the engagement to be binding on the

  Florentines, and themselves to be answerable for the event of the war;

  and then in great anger left the city.

  Thus with regard to external affairs, the Florentines continued

  tranquil during this war; but the case was otherwise with their

  domestic concerns, as will be particularly shown in the following

  book.

  BOOK VII

  CHAPTER I

  Connection of the other Italian governments with the history of

  Florence--Republics always disunited--Some differences are

  injurious; others not so--The kind of dissensions prevailing at

  Florence--Cosmo de' Medici and Neri Capponi become powerful by

  dissimilar means--Reform in the election of magistrates favorable

  to Cosmo--Complaints of the principal citizens against the reform

  in elections--Luca Pitti, Gonfalonier of Justice, restrains the

  imborsations by force--Tyranny and pride of Luca Pitti and his

  party--Palace of the Pitti--Death of Cosmo de' Medici--His

  liberality and magnificence--His modesty--His prudence--Sayings of

  Cosmo.

  It will perhaps appear to the readers of the preceding book that,

  professing only to write of the affairs of Florence, I have dilated

  too much in speaking of those which occurred in Lombardy and Naples.

  But as I have not already avoided, so it is not my intention in future

  to forbear, similar digressions. For although we have not engaged to

  give an account of the affairs of Italy, still it would be improper to

  neglect noticing the most remarkable of them. If they were wholly

  omitted, our history would not be so well understood, neither would it

  be so instructive or agreeable; since from the proceedings of the

  other princes and states of Italy, have most commonly arisen those

  wars in which the Florentines were compelled to take part. Thus, from

  the war between John of Anjou and King Ferrando, originated those

  serious enmities and hatreds which ensued between Ferrando and the

  Florentines, particularly the house of Medici. The king complained of

  a want of assistance during the war, and of the aid afforded to his

  enemy; and from his anger originated the greatest evils, as will be

  hereafter seen. Having, in speaking of external affairs, come down to

  the year 1463, it will be necessary in order to make our narrative of

  the contemporaneous domestic transactions clearly understood, to

  revert to a period several years back. But first, according to custom,

  I would offer a few remarks referring to the events about to be

  narrated, and observe, that those who think a republic may be kept in

  perfect unity of purpose are greatly deceived. True it is, that some

  divisions injure republics, while others are beneficial to them. When

  accompanied by factions and parties they are injurious; but when

  maintained without them they contribute to their prosperity. The

  legislator of a republic, since it is impossible to prevent the

  existence of dissensions, must at least take care to prevent the

  growth of faction. It may therefore be observed, that citizens acquire

  reputation and power in two ways; the one public, the other private.

  Influence is acquired publicly by winning a battle, taking possession

  of a territory, fulfilling the duties of an embassy with care and

  prudence, or by giving wise counsel attended by a happy result.

  Private methods are conferring benefits upon individuals, defending

  them against the magistrates, supporting them with money, and raising

  them to undeserved honors; or with public games and entertainments

  gaining the affection of the populace. This mode of procedure produces

  parties and cliques; and in proportion as influence thus acquired is

  injurious, so is the former beneficial, if quite free from party

  spirit; because it is founded upon the public good, and not upon

  private advantage. And though it is impossible to prevent the

  existence of inveterate feuds, still if they be without partisans to

  support them for their own individual benefit, they do not injure a

  republic, but contribute to its welfare; since none can attain

  distinction, but as he contributes to her good, and each party

  prevents the other from infringing her liberties. The dissensions of

  Florence were always accompanied by factions, and were therefore

  always pernicious; and the dominant party only remained united so long

  as its enemies held it in check. As soon as the strength of the

  opposition was annihilated, the government, deprived of the

  restraining influence of its adversaries, and being subject to no law,

  fell to pieces. The party of Cosmo de' Medici gained the ascendant in

  1434; but the depressed party being very numerous, and composed of

  several very influential persons, fear kept the former united, and

  restrained their proceedings within the bounds of moderation, so that

  no violence was committed by them, nor anything done calculated to

  excite popular dislike. Consequently, whenever this government

  required the citizens' aid to recover or strengthen its influence, the

  latter were always willing to gratify its wishes; so that from 1434 to

  1455, during a period of twenty-one years, the authority of a balia

  was granted to it six times.

  There were in Florence, as we have frequently observed, two

  principally powerful citizens, Cosmo de' Medici and Neri Capponi. Neri

  acquired his influence by public services; so that he had many friends

  but few partisans. Cosmo, being able to avail himself both of public

  and private means, had many partisans as well as friends. While both

  lived, having always been united, they obtained from the people

  whatever they required; for in them popularity and power were united.

  But in the year 1455, Neri being dead, and the opposition party

  extinct, the government found a difficulty in resuming its authority;

  and this was occasioned, remarkably enough, by Cosmo's private

  friends, and the most influential men in the state; for, not fearing

  the opposite party, they became anxious to abate his power. This

  inconsistency was the beginning of the evils which took place in 1456;

  so that those in power were openly advised in the deliberative

  councils not to renew the power of the balia, but to close the

  balloting purses, and appoint the magistrates by drawing from the

  pollings or squittini previously made. To restrain this disposition,

  Cosmo had the choice of two alternatives, either forcibly to assume

  the government, with the partisans he possessed,
and drive out the

  others, or to allow the matter to take its course, and let his friends

  see they were not depriving him of power, but rather themselves. He

  chose the latter; for he well knew that at all events the purses being

  filled with the names of his own friends, he incurred no risk, and

  could take the government into his own hands whenever he found

  occasion. The chief offices of state being again filled by lot, the

  mass of the people began to think they had recovered their liberty,

  and that the decisions of the magistrates were according to their own

  judgments, unbiased by the influence of the Great. At the same time,

  the friends of different grandees were humbled; and many who had

  commonly seen their houses filled with suitors and presents, found

  themselves destitute of both. Those who had previously been very

  powerful were reduced to an equality with men whom they had been

  accustomed to consider inferior; and those formerly far beneath them

  were now become their equals. No respect or deference was paid to

  them; they were often ridiculed and derided, and frequently heard

  themselves and the republic mentioned in the open streets without the

  least deference; thus they found it was not Cosmo but themselves that

  had lost the government. Cosmo appeared not to notice these matters;

  and whenever any subject was proposed in favor of the people he was

  the first to support it. But the greatest cause of alarm to the higher

  classes, and his most favorable opportunity of retaliation, was the

  revival of the catasto, or property-tax of 1427, so that individual

  contributions were determined by statute, and not by a set of persons

  appointed for its regulation.

  This law being re-established, and a magistracy created to carry it

  into effect, the nobility assembled, and went to Cosmo to beg he would

  rescue them and himself from the power of the plebeians, and restore

  to the government the reputation which had made himself powerful and

  them respected. He replied, he was willing to comply with their

  request, but wished the law to be obtained in the regular manner, by

  consent of the people, and not by force, of which he would not hear on

  any account. They then endeavored in the councils to establish a new

  balia, but did not succeed. On this the grandees again came to Cosmo,

  and most humbly begged he would assemble the people in a general

  council or parliament, but this he refused, for he wished to make them

  sensible of their great mistake; and when Donato Cocchi, being

  Gonfalonier of Justice, proposed to assemble them without his consent,

  the Signors who were of Cosmo's party ridiculed the idea so

  unmercifully, that the man's mind actually became deranged, and he had

  to retire from office in consequence. However, since it is undesirable

  to allow matters to proceed beyond recovery, the Gonfalon of Justice

  being in the hands of Luca Pitti, a bold-spirited man, Cosmo

  determined to let him adopt what course he thought proper, that if any

  trouble should arise it might be imputed to Luca and not to himself.

  Luca, therefore, in the beginning of his magistracy, several times

  proposed to the people the appointment of a new balia; and, not

  succeeding, he threatened the members of the councils with injurious

  and arrogant expressions, which were shortly followed by corresponding

  conduct; for in the month of August, 1458, on the eve of Saint

  Lorenzo, having filled the piazza, and compelled them to assent to a

  measure to which he knew them to be averse. Having recovered power,

  created a new balia, and filled the principal offices according to the

  pleasure of a few individuals, in order to commence that government

  with terror which they had obtained by force, they banished Girolamo

  Machiavelli, with some others, and deprived many of the honors of

  government. Girolamo, having transgressed the confines to which he was

  limited, was declared a rebel. Traveling about Italy, with the design

  of exciting the princes against his country, he was betrayed while at