History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

concerning the real motives of such a weak conspiracy, he said, he had

  undertaken it, because, having resolved to die in Florence rather than

  live in exile, he wished his death to be accompanied by some memorable

  action.

  This disturbance having been raised and quelled almost at the same

  time, the citizens returned to their accustomed mode of life, hoping

  to enjoy, without anxiety, the state they had now established and

  confirmed. Hence arose many of those evils which usually result from

  peace; for the youth having become more dissolute than before, more

  extravagant in dress, feasting, and other licentiousness, and being

  without employment, wasted their time and means on gaming and women;

  their principal study being how to appear splendid in apparel, and

  attain a crafty shrewdness in discourse; he who could make the most

  poignant remark being considered the wisest, and being most respected.

  These manners derived additional encouragement from the followers of

  the duke of Milan, who, with his duchess and the whole ducal court, as

  it was said, to fulfill a vow, came to Florence, where he was received

  with all the pomp and respect due to so great a prince, and one so

  intimately connected with the Florentine people. Upon this occasion

  the city witnessed an unprecedented exhibition; for, during Lent, when

  the church commands us to abstain from animal food, the Milanese,

  without respect for either God or his church, ate of it daily. Many

  spectacles were exhibited in honor of the duke, and among others, in

  the temple of Santo Spirito, was represented the descent of the Holy

  Ghost among the apostles; and in consequence of the numerous fires

  used upon the occasion, some of the woodwork became ignited, and the

  church was completely destroyed by the flames. Many thought that the

  Almighty being offended at our misconduct, took this method of

  signifying his displeasure. If, therefore, the duke found the city

  full of courtly delicacies, and customs unsuitable to well-regulated

  conduct, he left it in a much worse state. Hence the good citizens

  thought it necessary to restrain these improprieties, and made a law

  to put a stop to extravagance in dress, feasts, and funerals.

  In the midst of this universal peace, a new and unexpected disturbance

  arose in Tuscany. Certain citizens of Volterra had discovered an alum-

  mine in their district, and being aware of the profit derivable from

  it, in order to obtain the means of working and securing it, they

  applied to some Florentines, and allowed them to share in the profits.

  This, as is frequently the case with new undertakings, at first

  excited little attention from the people of Volterra; but in time,

  finding the profits derived from it had become considerable, they

  fruitlessly endeavored to effect what at first might have been easily

  accomplished. They began by agitating the question in their councils,

  declaring it grossly improper that a source of wealth discovered in

  the public lands should be converted to the emolument of private

  individuals. They next sent advocates to Florence, and the question

  was referred to the consideration of certain citizens, who, either

  through being bribed by the party in possession, or from a sincere

  conviction, declared the aim of the people of Volterra to be unjust in

  desiring to deprive their citizens of the fruit of their labor; and

  decided that the alum-pit was the rightful property of those who had

  hitherto wrought it; but, at the same time, recommended them to pay an

  annual sum by way of acknowledgment to the city. This answer instead

  of abating, served only to increase the animosities and tumult in

  Volterra, and absorbed entire attention both in the councils and

  throughout the city; the people demanding the restitution of what they

  considered their due, and the proprietors insisting upon their right

  to retain what they had originally acquired, and what had been

  subsequently been confirmed to them by the decision of the

  Florentines. In the midst of these disturbances, a respectable

  citizen, named Il Pecorino, was killed, together with several others,

  who had embraced the same side, whose houses were also plundered and

  burned; and the fury of the mob rose to such a height, that they were

  with difficulty restrained from putting the Florentine rectors to

  death.

  After the first outrage, the Volterrani immediately determined to send

  ambassadors to Florence, who intimated, that if the Signory would

  allow them their ancient privileges, the city would remain subject to

  them as formerly. Many and various were the opinions concerning the

  reply to be made. Tommaso Soderini advised that they should accept the

  submission of the people of Volterra, upon any conditions with which

  they were disposed to make it; for he considered it unreasonable and

  unwise to kindle a flame so near home that it might burn their own

  dwelling; he suspected the pope's ambition, and was apprehensive of

  the power of the king; nor could he confide in the friendship either

  of the duke or the Venetians, having no assurance of the sincerity of

  the latter, or the valor of the former. He concluded by quoting that

  trite proverb, "Meglio un magro accordo che una grassa vittoria."[*]

  On the other hand, Lorenzo de' Medici, thinking this an opportunity

  for exhibiting his prudence and wisdom, and being strenuously

  supported by those who envied the influence of Tommaso Soderini,

  resolved to march against them, and punish the arrogance of the people

  of Volterra with arms; declaring that if they were not made a striking

  example, others would, without the least fear or respect, upon every

  slight occasion, adopt a similar course. The enterprise being resolved

  on, the Volterrani were told that they could not demand the observance

  of conditions which they themselves had broken, and therefore must

  either submit to the direction of the Signory or expect war. With this

  answer they returned to their city, and prepared for its defense;

  fortifying the place, and sending to all the princes of Italy to

  request assistance, none of whom listened to them, except the Siennese

  and the lord of Piombino, who gave them some hope of aid. The

  Florentines on the other hand, thinking success dependent principally

  upon celerity, assembled ten thousand foot and two thousand horse,

  who, under the command of Federigo, lord of Urbino, marched into the

  country of Volterra and quickly took entire possession of it. They

  then encamped before the city, which, being in a lofty situation, and

  precipitous on all sides, could only be approached by a narrow pass

  near the church of St. Alessandro. The Volterrani had engaged for

  their defense about one thousand mercenaries, who, perceiving the

  great superiority of the Florentines, found the place untenable, and

  were tardy in their defensive operations, but indefatigable in the

  constant injuries they committed upon the people of the place. Thus

  these poor citizens were harassed by the enemy without, and by their

  own soldiery within; so, despairing of their safety, they bega
n to

  think of a capitulation; and, being unable to obtain better terms,

  submitted to the discretion of the Florentine commissaries, who

  ordered the gates to be opened, and introduced the greater part of

  their forces. They then proceeded to the palace, and commanded the

  priors to retire to their homes; and, on the way thither, one of them

  was in derision stripped by the soldiers. From this beginning (so much

  more easily are men predisposed to evil than to good) originated the

  pillage and destruction of the city; which for a whole day suffered

  the greatest horrors, neither women nor sacred places being spared;

  and the soldiery, those engaged for its defense as well as its

  assailants, plundered all that came within their reach. The news of

  this victory was received with great joy at Florence, and as the

  expedition had been undertaken wholly by the advice of Lorenzo, he

  acquired great reputation. Upon which one of the intimate friends of

  Tommaso Soderini, reminding him of the advice he had given, asked him

  what he thought of the taking of Volterra; to which he replied, "To me

  the place seems rather lost than won; for had it been received on

  equitable terms, advantage and security would have been the result;

  but having to retain it by force it will in critical junctures,

  occasion weakness and anxiety, and in times of peace, injury and

  expense."

  [*] A lean peace is better than a fat victory.

  CHAPTER VI

  Origin of the animosity between Sixtus IV. and Lorenzo de' Medici

  --Carlo di Braccio da Perugia attacks the Siennese--Carlo retires

  by desire of the Florentines--Conspiracy against Galeazzo, duke of

  Milan--His vices--He is slain by the conspirators--Their deaths.

  The pope, anxious to retain the territories of the church in

  obedience, had caused Spoleto to be sacked for having, through

  internal factions, fallen into rebellion. Citta di Castello being in

  the same state of contumacy, he besieged that place; and Niccolo

  Vitelli its prince, being on intimate terms with Lorenzo de' Medici,

  obtained assistance from him, which, though inadequate, was quite

  enough to originate that enmity between Sixtus IV. and the Medici

  afterward productive of such unhappy results. Nor would this have been

  so long in development had not the death of Frate Piero, cardinal of

  St. Sixtus, taken place; who, after having traveled over Italy and

  visited Venice and Milan (under the pretense of doing honor to the

  marriage of Ercole, marquis of Ferrara), went about sounding the minds

  of the princes, to learn how they were disposed toward the

  Florentines. But upon his return he died, not without suspicion of

  having been poisoned by the Venetians, who found they would have

  reason to fear Sixtus if he were allowed to avail himself of the

  talents and exertions of Frate Piero. Although of very low extraction,

  and meanly brought up within the walls of a convent, he had no sooner

  attained the distinction of the scarlet hat, than he exhibited such

  inordinate pride and ambition, that the pontificate seemed too little

  for him, and he gave a feast in Rome which would have seemed

  extraordinary even for a king, the expense exceeding twenty thousand

  florins. Deprived of this minister, the designs of Sixtus proceeded

  with less promptitude. The Florentines, the duke, and the Venetians

  having renewed their league, and allowed the pope and the king to join

  them if they thought proper, the two latter also entered into a

  league, reserving an opening for the others if they were desirous to

  become parties to it. Italy was thus divided in two factions; for

  circumstances daily arose which occasioned ill feeling between the two

  leagues; as occurred with respect to the island of Cyprus, to which

  Ferrando laid claim, and the Venetians occupied. Thus the pope and the

  king became more closely united. Federigo, prince of Urbino, was at

  this time one of the first generals of Italy; and had long served the

  Florentines. In order, if possible, to deprive the hostile league of

  their captain, the pope advised, and the king requested him to pay a

  visit to them. To the surprise and displeasure of the Florentines,

  Federigo complied; for they thought the same fate awaited him as had

  befallen Niccolo Piccinino. However, the result was quite different;

  for he returned from Naples and Rome greatly honored, and with the

  appointment of general to their forces. They also endeavored to gain

  over to their interest the lords of Romagna and the Siennese, that

  they might more easily injure the Florentines, who, becoming aware of

  these things, used their utmost endeavors to defend themselves against

  the ambition of their enemies; and having lost Federigo d'Urbino, they

  engaged Roberto da Rimino in his place, renewed the league with the

  Perugini and formed one with the prince of Faenza. The pope and the

  king assigned, as the reasons of their animosity against the

  Florentines, that they wished to withdraw them from the Venetian

  alliance, and associate them with their own league; for the pope did

  not think the church could maintain her reputation, nor the Count

  Girolamo retain the states of Romagna, while the Florentines and the

  Venetians remained united. The Florentines conjectured their design

  was to set them at enmity with the Venetians, not so much for the sake

  of gaining their friendship as to be able the more easily to injure

  them. Two years passed away in these jealousies and discontents before

  any disturbance broke out; but the first which occurred, and that but

  trivial, took place in Tuscany.

  Braccio of Perugia, whom we have frequently mentioned as one of the

  most distinguished warriors of Italy, left two sons, Oddo and Carlo;

  the latter was of tender years; the former, as above related, was

  slain by the people of Val di Lamona; but Carlo, when he came to

  mature age, was by the Venetians, out of respect for the memory of his

  father, and the hopes they entertained from himself, received among

  the condottieri of their republic. The term of his engagement having

  expired, he did not design to renew it immediately, but resolved to

  try if, by his own influence and his father's reputation, he could

  recover possession of Perugia. To this the Venetians willingly

  consented, for they usually extended their dominion by any changes

  that occurred in the neighboring states. Carlo consequently came into

  Tuscany, but found more difficulties in his attempt upon Perugia than

  he had anticipated, on account of its being allied with the

  Florentines; and desirous of doing something worthy of memory, he made

  war upon the Siennese, alleging them to be indebted to him for

  services performed by his father in the affairs of that republic, and

  attacked them with such impetuosity as to threaten the total overthrow

  of their dominion. The Siennese, ever ready to suspect the

  Florentines, persuaded themselves that this outrage had been committed

  with their cognizance, and made heavy complaints to the pope and the

  king against them. They also sent ambassadors to Flo
rence to complain

  of the injuries they had suffered, and adroitly intimated, that if

  Carlo had not been secretly supported he could not have made war upon

  them with such perfect security. The Florentines denied all

  participation in the proceedings of Carlo, expressed their most

  earnest wish to do everything in their power to put a stop to them,

  and allowed the ambassadors to use whatever terms they pleased in the

  name of the Signory, to command him to desist. Carlo complained that

  the Florentines, by their unwillingness to support him, had deprived

  themselves of a most valuable acquisition and him of great glory; for

  he could have insured them the possession of the whole territory in a

  short time, from the want of courage in the people and the ineffectual

  provision they had made for their defense. He then withdrew to his

  engagement under the Venetians; but the Siennese, although delivered

  from such imminent peril by the Florentines, were still very indignant

  against them; considering themselves under no obligation to those who

  had delivered them from an evil to which they had first exposed them.

  While the transactions between the king and the pope were in progress,

  and those in Tuscany in the manner we have related, an event of

  greater importance occurred in Lombardy. Cola Montano, a learned and

  ambitious man, taught the Latin language to the youth of the principal

  families in Milan. Either out of hatred to the character and manners

  of the duke, or from some other cause, he constantly deprecated the

  condition of those who live under a bad prince; calling those glorious

  and happy who had the good fortune to be born and live in a republic.

  He endeavored to show that the most celebrated men had been produced

  in republics, and not reared under princes; that the former cherish

  virtue, while the latter destroy it; the one deriving advantage from

  virtuous men, while the latter naturally fear them. The youths with

  whom he was most intimate were Giovanni Andrea Lampognano, Carlo

  Visconti, and Girolamo Ogliato. He frequently discussed with them the

  faults of their prince, and the wretched condition of those who were

  subject to him; and by constantly inculcating his principles, acquired

  such an ascendancy over their minds as to induce them to bind

  themselves by oath to effect the duke's destruction, as soon as they

  became old enough to attempt it. Their minds being fully occupied with

  this design, which grew with their years, the duke's conduct and their

  own private injuries served to hasten its execution. Galeazzo was

  licentious and cruel, of both which vices he had given such repeated

  proofs, that he became odious to all. Not content with corrupting the

  wives of the nobility, he also took pleasure in making it notorious;

  nor was he satisfied with murdering individuals unless he effected

  their deaths by some unusual cruelty. He was suspected of having

  destroyed his own mother; for, not considering himself prince while

  she was present, he conducted himself in such a manner as induced her

  to withdraw from his court, and, travelling toward Cremona, which she

  obtained as part of her marriage portion, she was seized with a sudden

  illness, and died upon the road; which made many think her son had

  caused her death. The duke had dishonored both Carlo and Girolamo in

  respect to their wives or other female relatives, and had refused to

  concede to Giovanandrea possession of the monastery of Miramondo, of

  which he had obtained a grant from the pope for a near relative. These

  private injuries increased the young men's desire for vengeance, and

  the deliverance of their country from so many evils; trusting that

  whenever they should succeed in destroying the duke, many of the

  nobility and all the people would rise in their defense. Being

  resolved upon their undertaking, they were often together, which, on

  account of their long intimacy, did not excite any suspicion. They

  frequently discussed the subject; and in order to familiarize their

  minds with the deed itself, they practiced striking each other in the