Captains and the Kings

  Thunder rumbled. There were brief and drenching showers and the deck became slippery. For the second time Joseph was aware of war and its impingement on him. He did not find this occasion exciting, though he guessed that many of these reckless men found it so. He also felt that they were dedicated patriots and this seemed absurd to him. They worked and risked their lives, not for profits, but for their beloved Confederacy. Nothing much of the countryside beyond the rickety dock could be seen, but sometimes the moon revealed a far black emptiness unlit by any lamp or lantern. If people lived in the vicinity their presence was unseen. But Joseph felt a watchfulness in the darkness, an alertness. At the last Joshua Temple, unspeaking, white-faced, was put ashore. He could walk now, limping. Joseph saw him being forced down the ramp and he heard subdued laughter. At the foot of the ramp and on the dock, the soldier looked back despairingly, but was rudely pushed. He disappeared into the night. Finally the ramp was pulled aboard, the doors locked. The Isabel raised anchor, and silently drifted out to sea, nimble and dancing, her sails filled with moonlight. Joseph experienced a sense of enormous relief, which disgusted him. As if he understood Mr. Montrose said, "There are men who love danger for itself and could not live without it, and search for it. And there are men who do not love danger, but will face it as bravely as the others. I do not know, in all honesty, which I prefer, but if it came to the question of my life I would choose the men who do not seek danger though they will not run from it." He laughed a little. "I fear I am of the first persuasion, and not the second." On their return to New York they went to the Fifth Avenue Hotel, and it seemed to Joseph that the near past had not happened at all. Shortly after their return Mr. Montrose requested his presence at the meeting with the bankers. Joseph was impressed by their strange anonymity. (He understood he was not to question or speak, but only to listen.) He heard foreign accents, though all spoke in English to Mr. Montrose. It was impossible to distinguish among them, to catch any peculiarity of temperament, of dissent, eccentricity, or even of individual character. They were gentlemen, courtly and genial and of the most elaborate manners, marvelously reserved and polite and attentive, never disagreeing, never raising a voice. They carried documents and ledgers with them in tooled cases, and drank wine around the large table in Mr. Montrose's apartment. When they spoke it was in calm and dispassionate accents, almost disembodied. There was no emotion, no rancor, no protest. Some were Russians, some French, some English, some German, and others of various races not explained. There was even a Chinese, and a Japanese, all impeccable and deferential to each other. It was like a majestic minuet to Joseph, danced to the clinking music of cold money, and executed with precision, no eyes brightening or dimming, no voice lifted in a joke or in mirth. It was business, and none of them had allegiances or attachments or involvements with any nation, not even their own. It would have been unseemly to them to have betrayed any human heat or personal entanglement. It was possible that most of them were husbands and fathers and sons, but none ever showed an absent eye or spoke of anything pertaining to his intimate self. Joseph immediately called them "the gray and deadly men," and did not know why he detested them, or why he found them the most dangerous of all among the human species. He noticed that none of them drank whiskey and drank only sparingly of wine. They might have mutual and intricate business to transact with each other, but it was most evident to Joseph that none trusted the others. They talked only of money, the greatest of powers, the most pragmatic of common denominators. No eye lighted with humor or friendship or intimacy. It was accepted that all other things besides money and the power of money were outside the consideration of intelligent men, and all the affairs of the world beyond money were trivia to be considered only in leisure and with urbane and indulgent smiles, as one entertains himself with the prattle of women or a light and agreeable concerto after "dining. They discussed the War between the States and referred to their notes liand documents, as if the death and blood and agony of a fratricidal war c-planned long before in London for profit-was only a business maneuver. There were diagrams of profit displayed for when the South was iconquered and rich land seized by the North. There was a brief discussion at the movement of industry to the South after the conclusion of the war land the lower wages probable. An Englishman mentioned that England Jwould not be uninterested in the division of land, and that England was fiheavily invested in the South, and that the English bankers would insist Ion the return of a great interest on the money lent the Confederacy for arnaments. The other bankers nodded solemnly. It was only fair, of course. A Russian mentioned, with a cold sharpness in his eye-very ill- bred-that as the North had been protected from England by the Russian 4avy the Czar would be distressed if his investments in the North were at given first consideration. A German later spoke of a possible war between Germany and France. "We have investments in Alsace, and the French are not as industrious as the Germans." Two Frenchmen smiled faintly. "We are as intelligent, if perhaps not as industrious, Herr Schultz. But, alas, our countrymen prefer to enjoy life as well as profits." This, for the first time, evoked slight and quickly suppressed murmurs of amusement. "I think," said one gentleman, "that we can, hopefully, consider the tenets of Karl Marx, who is now in England, in the reorganization of profitable political forces in Germany. We are not unaware of Bismarck. I believe we can manipulate him. Moreover, the Emperor in France-and I honor His Majesty-has been reported to be impressed by the theories of Marx. I have no doubt, therefore, that some-disagreement-can be stimulated between Germany and France in the near future. I am due in London and Berlin and Paris very shortly, and this will all be discussed to the utmost." An Englishman cleared his throat. "We should prefer that the European press no longer express indignation against Her Majesty, Empress of India." He was immediately reassured, without any retreat from neutral accents, that this would be attended to as soon as possible, and the press "informed" in Europe. Mr. Montrose said, with a deferential inclination of his head to his colleagues, "The United States of America is a new country and not warlike, and this war is not to her liking-" "My dear Mr. Montrose," said one of the gentlemen, "do you not agree that it is time for your country to embark on empire and become part of the universal monetary plans?" "Not immediately," said Mr. Montrose. "You must remember that we are mainly, still, an agricultural nation and not an industrial one. Agricultural nations do not engage in wars or disputes to any extent, nor are they particularly interested in the banking business. America is wide and open and we have not as yet fully explored our territory and it may be decades before we can induce the American people to become enthusiastic for wars for profits. The Constitution is also a hindrance. Only Congress can declare war, and Americans are a very recalcitrant people and have suspicion of government, and look on the State with a watchful eye." "Then, it is the duty of informed men to introduce the theories of Karl Marx into America," said one gentleman. "It is ridiculous that your Washington should be so weak, and government so decentralized, and power left to the individual states. Centralized power, as you know, Mr. Montrose, is the only guarantee of profits and controlled wars, and prosperity. We cannot be too much in haste to introduce the theories and mandates of Karl Marx. Those theories destroy the concept of anything but the centralized power of the State. Once power is concentrated in Washington- admittedly not an immediate prospect-America will take her place as an empire and calculate and instigate wars, for the advantage of all concerned. We all know, from long experience, that progress depends on war." Did these men, thought Joseph, have anything to do with the conflict between Ireland and England? and a sick coldness spread through him. "I fear," said Mr. Montrose, "that you will not find Mr. Lincoln very amenable to even the subtlest suggestions after this war." "Then Mr. Lincoln must be-eliminated," said a gentleman in a cool voice. Mr. Montrose looked slowly from face to face. "Politicians in Washington have informed Mr. Healey that it is Mr. Lincoln's intention to heal the wounds of this war, to assist the South to recover, to reconcile neighbor with
neighbor, to extend the hand of affection to the enemy, and to unite the nation again." "That is absurd," said one gentleman. "There is too much rich treasure in land and city in the South to allow it to fall again into irresponsible hands. Certainly, your country, sir, will be politically united again, but it is to our interests to keep her spiritually divided, and the animosity between North and South quite alive. That is the only way we can be certain of our profits, otherwise, there might be conjecture-" "And a comparing of notes," said Mr. Montrose with a most serious face. The others frowned at him for what they considered levity. "We must not only receive our loans from both North and South," said one, "but the accumulated large interest on those loans. Is it necessary for us to continue to repeat this, sir? These were honorable loans, given in good faith, by us. There are also other agreements which must be honored. If Mr. Lincoln disagrees-he may live, or not live-to regret it." "He loathes bankers," said another gentleman, in a voice such as a man uses when discussing a revolting and despicable person. "Who does he imagine is financing his war?" "And financing the Confederacy," said Mr. Montrose with a beautiful smile. Many cleared their throats as though Mr. Montrose had uttered an embarrassing obscenity. Many appeared to be avoiding a lewd and improper sight, for they discreetly lowered their stony eyelids. To Joseph's surprise Mr. Montrose winked at him over the heads of the bankers, for Joseph was sitting at a quiet distance. That wink partially calmed the hatred and anger and confused turmoil in the young man's mind. The world, again, had briefly intruded upon him and again he had the strength to reject it. Mr. Montrose had found the world preposterous, any involvement in it idiocy, except for profits. The hours went by and Joseph was witness to incredible conspiracies against mankind, all discussed in voices like the grating of bloodless metal, and at last he thought, An honorable man might sometimes be impelled, in this world, as Aristotle said, to kill himself. I am glad that I am not an honorable man, nor a fool, which is the same thing. Imperial Russia was mentioned. It was agreed that Russia was not as yet ripe for great wars nor the introduction of Marxist theories which would divide her people. She was especially not ready for revolution, "for," as one gentleman said, "it is impossible to induce revolution in a country where the majority of the populace is poor and only recently released from serfdom. We all know that it takes a certain affluence in a nation, a certain sense of well-being, a certain leisure and idleness and comfort, to be sympathetic to revolution. Intellectuals cannot flourish nor be heard in a nation which is desperately striving to feed itself. They can only flourish and advance theories in a nation with a considerable amount of prosperity, where the main interest of the people is not mere bodily survival, and where discontent and envy can be stimulated. Moreover, the very temperament of the Slavic peoples is averse to the Marxist dogma, unlike Great Britain, France, and Germany, and also the United States. It will take long subversion and I do not think that many of us here will be alive to see it. No, the immediate question now is Bismarck in Germany, and the growing enmity between Germany and France. The situation is extremely interesting." There was a brief mention of munitions makers all over the world, which Joseph could not entirely follow, but he gathered that the men in this room, and their colleagues, were advancing enormous loans and calculating profits and interest. He thought of Mr. Healey, who was surely not rich enough nor powerful enough to engage these men's attention, and it deeply puzzled him. Later he questioned Mr. Montrose about this. Mr. Montrose did not reply at once. He lit a cheroot and sipped a little brandy, now that he and Joseph were alone, and then he said, "This was all intended to be relayed to Mr. Healey, not for his own use directly, but for the information of politicians. Mr. Healey owns many politicians. Not only Senator Hennessey, who is one of the most powerful and persuasive, but others. Would it not be dangerous for these men to be seen in the company of the international bankers? There are always inflammatory men, especially among the press, who distrust all government, which is perspicacious of them. "You will recall a discussion today concerning the dissatisfaction the gentlemen feel for our absurd Constitutional Amendment that only Congress has the power to coin money. They are now trying to influence our government to permit a private Federal Reserve System to coin and issue and control currency, without the consent of Congress or any other governmental agency. What do you think is the purpose of that?" Joseph shook his head and Mr. Montrose laughed. "Congress, alone, has the power to declare wars. But wars need financing. It is entirely too risky for the bankers to finance a divided nation, like ours, in a war when Congress guards the public purse and chooses when to coin money.

  So long as Congress has this power America can not truly engage in important wars. And, if she decides to engage in wars for profit in the future-as all wars are only for profit-she will find herself curbed by Congress and its power not to finance a war. It would be most frustrating, and balk prosperity. So, we must first remove the power of Congress to coin and regulate currency, and give it into private hands which will, in turn, be controlled by international gentlemen such as you have seen today." Joseph thought about this, his auburn brows pulled together. He said, "Then history is conspiratorial?" "I believe," said Mr. Montrose, "that it was Mr. Disraeli who mentioned that the man who does not believe in the conspiratorial nature of history is a dunce. He should surely know." Joseph bent his russet head and thought and Mr. Montrose watched him, far more acutely than the situation appeared to deserve. He watched the play of tightening emotions on that young face, and then the rejection of those emotions. It seemed to him that visible to his eyes only was the powerful corrupting process of a mind and possibly a soul. He pursed his lips as if in a soundless whistle and poured a little more brandy for himself. Then Joseph said, "Why did Mr. Healey want me to hear all this, without any preparation over a number of years?" When Mr. Montrose did not reply Joseph looked up at him sharply. He saw that Mr. Montrose was regarding him with a closed and strange expression, partly skeptical, partly affronted, and partly cold. This surprised him. He continued to meet Mr. Montrose's eyes and his own became more and more puzzled. Mr. Montrose finally looked aside. Why should I believe, even for a moment, that he has the faintest suspicion? he asked himself. He said, "I never question Mr. Healey's motives, and I advise you to refrain also. He has his reasons. It is sufficient for us to follow them." He felt a vague shame, an emotion long unfamiliar to him, and when he laughed aloud Joseph was both offended and increasingly puzzled.

  Chapter 22

  "So," said Mr. Montrose to Mr. Healey, "he is not only absolutely brave and ruthless, but is prudent, too. He won't run to danger or recklessness, but he won't avoid them when necessary. I have come to have a great affection for young Joseph Francis Xavier Armagh, and I think you are justified, sir. He can be trusted." Mr. Healey sat expansively in his study and smoked deeply on his cigar. "I never make a mistake," he said, with happy self-satisfaction. "Minute I saw him on that train I kind of knew. Well, he's coming to see me on a matter of importance, he says. Got in last night from Pittsburgh, and I think he took a trip to Philadelphia, too. So, it all depends-" Mr. Healey waited for Joseph's appearance, and when the young man entered the study, soberly dressed in black almost to the point of being funereal, Mr. Healey saw that he carried with him a roll of blueprints. Mr. Healey unaccountably sighed, as if in immense relief. "Sit down, sit down, Joseph Francis What!" he exclaimed. "Happy to see you home, boyo. Got good reports about you, too. Handled it well, though you're still a little rough around the edges. Takes time. Sit down, sit down. Brandy? Whiskey?" "No, Mr. Healey," said Joseph and let his tall lean figure stiffly down into a chair opposite his employer. He was so pale and tense that his freckles seemed to protrude from his high-boned face. "I don't like spirits, as you know." "Now, that's the only thing I don't like about you, Joe. Never trust a man who don't drink, is my motto. He ain't human. He don't intend, usually, to work with you. In a way, it's kind of an enmity, and for an Irisher it's unnatural." Joseph smiled whitely. "I haven't time," he said. "When I ha
ve time I will drink, perhaps. But I've seen what the poteen does to the Irish, too many times. I don't know why it is, but it is disastrous to them." "Not to me, it ain't," said Mr. Healey. "If a man can't control himself it's his bad luck, and he don't deserve any sympathy. Some says the drink lets them escape the misery of this here world for a while, and that's good. But when they keep escaping that's the end of 'em. It's up to a man, himself. Well, what is all this?" For Joseph had laid the blueprints on the desk, though he kept his hand on the roll. He looked at Mr. Healey with a fierce concentration, and he became paler. It was all very well to tell yourself, he thought, that you must have courage-when you are not face to face with the actual situation -but it is quite another when that situation confronts you. In five minutes or so he would either be booted out permanently, or Mr. Healey would understand. Joseph was not too optimistic. He had frequently told himself that he was a fool to consider Mr. Healey, and that he, himself, was a milksop and a weakling and a man of no real resolution and fortitude, willing to gamble everything. He said, never taking his eyes from Mr. Healey's red face, "First of all, sir, I went to Philadelphia before coming home. I have heard rumors for a long time that the oil in the southern part of the state, just being drilled, is far superior to the oil of Titusville, for it is so far under ground that it is partially refined, and naturally.