Early Writings

  If a man of our time be so crotchety as to wish emotional, as well as intellectual, acquaintance with an age so out of fashion as the twelfth century, he may try in several ways to attain it. He may read the songs themselves from the old books—from the illuminated vellum—and he will learn what the troubadours meant to the folk of the century just after their own. He will learn a little about their costume from the illuminated capitals. Or he may try listening to the words with the music, for, thanks to Jean Beck and others,p it is now possible to hear the old tunes. They are perhaps a little Oriental in feeling, and it is likely that the spirit of Sufism is not wholly absent from their content. Or, again, a man may walk1 the hill roads and river roads from Limoges and Charente to Dordogne and Narbonne and learn a little, or more than a little, of what the country meant to the wandering singers, he may learn, or think he learns, why so many canzos open with speech of the weather; or why such a man made war on such and such castles. Or he may learn the outlines of these events from the ‘razos’, or prose paragraphs of introduction, which are sometimes called ‘lives of the troubadours’. And, if he have mind for these latter, he will find in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris the manuscript of Miquel de la Tour,2 written perhaps in the author’s own handwriting; at least we read ‘I Miquel de la Tour, scryven, do ye to wit’.

  Miquel gives us to know that such and such ladies were courted with greater or less good fortune by such and such minstrels of various degree, for one man was a poor vavassour, and another was King Amfos of Aragon; and another, Vidal, was son of a furrier, and sang better than any man in the world; and Raimon de Miraval was a poor knight that had but part of a castle; and Uc Brunecs was a clerk and he had an understanding with a borgesa who had no mind to love him or to keep him, and who became mistress to the Count of Rodez. ‘Voila l’estat divers d’entre eulx.’

  The monk, Gaubertz de Poicebot, ‘was a man of birth; he was of the bishopric of Limozin, son of the castellan of Poicebot. And he was made monk when he was a child in a monastery, which is called Sain Leonart. And he knew well letters, and well to sing and well trobar.q And for desire of woman he went forth from the monastery. And he came thence to the man to whom came all who for courtesy wished honour and good deeds—to Sir Savaric de Mauleon—and this man gave him the harness of a joglar and a horse and clothing; and then he went through the courts and composed and made good canzos. And he set his heart upon a donzella gentle and fair and made his songs of her, and she did not wish to love him unless he should get himself made a knight and take her to wife. And he told En Savaric how the girl had refused him, wherefore En Savaric made him a knight and gave him land and the income from it. And he married the girl and held her in great honour. And it happened that he went into Spain, leaving her behind him. And a knight out of England set his mind upon her and did so much and said so much that he led her with him, and he kept her long time his mistress and then let her go to the dogs (malamen anar). And En Gaubertz returned from Spain, and lodged himself one night in the city where she was. And he went out for desire of woman, and he entered the alberc of a poor woman; for they told him there was a fine woman within. And he found his wife. And when he saw her, and she him, great was the grief between them and great shame. And he stopped the night with her, and on the morrow he went forth with her to a nunnery where he had her enter. And for this grief he ceased to sing and to compose.’ If you are minded, as Browning was in his One Word More, you may search out the song that En Gaubertz made, riding down the second time from Malleon, flushed with the unexpected knighthood.

  Per amor del belh temps suau

  E quar fin amor men somo. r

  ‘For love of the sweet time and soft’ he beseeches this ‘lady in whom joy and worth have shut themselves and all good in its completeness’ to give him grace and the kisses due to him a year since. And he ends in envoi to Savaric.

  Senher savaric larc e bo

  Vos troba hom tota fazo

  Quel vostre ric fag son prezan

  El dig cortes e benestan.s

  La Tour has given us seed of drama in the passage above rendered. He has left us also an epic in his straightforward prose. ‘Piere de Maensac was of Alverne (Auvergne) a poor knight, and he had a brother named Austors de Maensac, and they both were troubadours and they both were in concord that one should take the castle and the other the trobar.’ And presumably they tossed up a marabotin or some such obsolete coin, for we read, ‘And the castle went to Austors and the poetry to Piere, and he sang of the wife of Bernart de Tierci. So much he sang of her and so much he honoured her that it befell that the lady let herself go gay (furar a del). And he took her to the castle of the Dalfin of Auvergne, and the husband, in the manner of the golden Menelaus, demanded her much, with the church to back him and with the great war that they made. But the Dalfin maintained him (Piere) so that he never gave her up. He (Piere) was a straight man (dreitz om) and good company, and he made charming songs, tunes and the words, and good coblas of pleasure.’ And among them is one beginning Longa saison ai estat vas amor

  Humils e francs, y ai faich son coman.t

  Dante and Browning have created so much interest in Sordello 3 that it may not be amiss to give the brief account of him as it stands in a manuscript in the Ambrosian library at Milan. ‘Lo Sordels si fo di Mantovana. Sordello was of Mantuan territory of Sirier (this would hardly seem to be Goito), son of a poor cavalier who had name Sier Escort (Browning’s El Corte), and he delighted himself in chançons, to learn and to make them. And he mingled with the good men of the court. And he learned all that he could and he made coblas and sirventes. And he came thence to the court of the Count of St Bonifaci, and the Count honoured him much. And he fell in love with the wife of the Count, in the form of pleasure (a forma de solatz), and she with him. (The Palma of Browning’s poem and the Cunizza of Dante’s.) And it befell that the Count stood ill with her brothers. And thus he estranged himself from her and from Sier Sceillme and Sier Albrics. Thus her brothers caused her to be stolen from the Count by Sier Sordello and the latter came to stop with them. And he (Sordello) stayed a long time with them in great happiness, and then he went into Proenssa where he received great honours from all the good men and from the Count and from the Countess who gave him a good castle and a wife of gentle birth.’ (Browning with perfect right alters this ending to suit his own purpose.)

  The luck of the troubadours was as different as their ranks, and they were drawn from all social orders. We are led far from polite and polished society when we come to take note of that Gringoire, Guillem Figiera, ‘son of a tailor; and he was a tailor; and when the French got hold of Toulouse he departed into Lombardy. And he knew well trobar and to sing, and he made himself joglar among the townsfolk (ciutadins). He was not a man who knew how to carry himself among the barons or among the better class, but much he got himself welcomed among harlots and slatterns and by innkeepers and taverners. And if he saw coming a good man of the court, there where he was, he was sorry and grieved at it, and he nearly split himself to take him down a peg (et ades percussava de lui abaissar).’

  For one razo that shows an unusual character there are a dozen that say simply that such or such a man was of Manes, or of Cataloigna by Rossilon, or of elsewhere, ‘a poor cavalier.’u They made their way by favour at times, or by singing, or by some form of utility. Ademar of Gauvedan ‘was of the castle Marvois, son of a poor knight. He was knighted by the lord of Marvois. He was a brave man but could not keep his estate as knight, and he became jongleur and was respected by all the best people. And later he went into orders at Gran Mon’. Elias Cairels ‘was of Sarlat; ill he sang, ill he composed, ill he played the fiddle and worse he spoke, but he was good at writing out words and tunes. And he was a long time wandering, and when he quitted it, he returned to Sarlat and died there’. Perdigo was the son of a fisherman and made his fortune by his art. Peirol was a poor knight who was fitted out by the Dalfin of Auvergne and made love to Sail de Claustra; and all we know of Ce
rcamon is that he made vers and pastorelas in the old way and that ‘he went everywhere he could get to’. Pistoleta ‘was a singer for Arnaut of Marvoil, and later he took to trobar and made songs with pleasing tunes and he was well received by the best people, although a man of little comfort and of poor endowment and of little stamina. And he took a wife at Marseilles and became a merchant and became rich and ceased going about the courts’. Guillems the skinny was a joglar of Manes, and the capital letter shows him throwing 3, 5, and 4, on a red dice board. ‘Never had he on harness, and what he gained he lost malamen, to the taverns and the women. And he ended in a hospital in Spain.

  The razos have in them the seeds of literary criticism. The speech is, however, laconic. Aimar lo Ners was a gentleman. ‘He made such songs as he knew how to.’ Aimeric de Sarlat, a joglar, became a troubadour, ‘and yet he made but one song.’ Piere Guillem of Toulouse ‘Made good coblas, but he made too many’. Daude of Pradas made canzos ‘per sen de trobar’, which I think we may translate ‘from a mental grasp of the craft’. ‘But they did not move from love, wherefore they had not favour among folk. They were not sung.’ We find also that the labour and skill were divided. One man played the viol most excellently, and another sang, and another spoke his songs to music,v and another, Jaufre Rudel, Brebezieu’s father-in-law, made ‘good tunes with poor words to go with them’.

  The troubadour’s person comes in for as much free criticism as his performance. Elias fons Slada was a ‘fair man verily, as to feature, a joglar, no good troubadour’.w But Faidit, a joglar of Uzerche, ‘was exceedingly greedy both to drink and to eat, and he became fat beyond measure. And he took to wife a public woman; very fair and well taught she was, but she became as big and fat as he was. And she was from a rich town Alest of the Mark of Provenca from the seignory of En Bernart d’Andussa.’

  One of the noblest figures of the time, if we are to believe the chronicle, was Savaric de Mauleon, the rich baron of Peiteu, mentioned above, son of Sir Reios de Malleon; ‘lord was he of Malleon and of Talarnom and of Fontenai, and of castle Aillon and of Boetand of Benaon and of St Miquel en Letz and of the isles of Ners and of the isle of Mues and of Nestrine and of Engollius and of many other good places.’ As one may read in the continuation of this notice and verify from the razos of the other troubadours, ‘he was of the most open-handed men in the world.’ He seems to have left little verse save the tenzon with Faidit.

  ‘Behold divers estate between them all!’ Yet, despite the difference in conditions of life between the twelfth century and our own, these few citations should be enough to prove that the people were much the same, and if the preceding notes do not do this, there is one tale left that should succeed.

  ‘The Vicomte of St Antoni was of the bishopric of Caortz (Cahors), Lord and Vicomte of St Antoni; and he loved a noble lady who was wife of the seignor of Pena Dalbeges, of a rich castle and a strong. The lady was gentle and fair and valiant and highly prized and much honoured; and he very valiant and well trained and good at arms and charming, and a good trobaire, and had name Raimons Jordans; and the lady was called the Vicomtesse de Pena; and the love of these two was beyond all measure. And it befell that the Vicount went into a land of his enemies and was grievous wounded, so that report held him for dead. And at the news she in great grief went and gave candles at church for his recovery. And he recovered. And at this news also she had great grief.’ And she fell a-moping, and that was the end of the affair with St Antoni, and ‘thus was there more than one in deep distress’. ‘Wherefore’ Elis of Montfort, wife of William à-Gordon, daughter of the Viscount of Trozena, the glass of fashion and the mould of form, the pride of ‘youth, beauty, courtesy’, and presumably of justice, mercy, long-suffering, and so forth, made him overtures, and successfully. And the rest is a matter much as usual.

  If humanity was much the same, it is equally certain that individuals were not any more like one another; and this may be better shown in the uncommunicative canzoni than in the razos. Thus we have a pastoral from the sensitive and little known Joios of Tolosa:

  Lautrier el dous temps de pascor

  En una ribeira,

  which runs thus:‘The other day, in the sweet time of Easter, I went across a flat land of rivers hunting for new flowers, walking by the side of the path, and for delight in the greenness of things and because of the complete good faith and love which I bear for her who inspires me, I felt a melting about my heart and at the first flower I found, I burst into tears.

  ‘And I wept until, in a shady place, my eyes fell upon a shepherdess. Fresh was her colour, and she was white as a snow-drift, and she had doves’ eyes,’ ...

  In very different key we find the sardonic Count of Foix, in a song which begins mildly enough for a spring song:

  Mas qui a flor si vol mesclar,

  and turns swiftly enough to a livelier measure:

  Ben deu gardar lo sieu baston

  Car frances sabon grans colps dar

  Et albirar ab lor bordon

  E nous fizes in carcasses

  Ni en genes ni en gascon.

  Let no man lounge amid the flowers

  Without a stout club of some kind.

  Know ye the French are stiff in stour

  And sing not all they have in mind,

  So trust ye not in Carcason,

  In Genovese, nor in Gascon.

  My purpose in all this is to suggest to the casual reader that the Middle Ages did not exist in the tapestry alone, nor in the fourteenth-century romances, but that there was a life like our own, no mere sequence of citherns and citoles, nor a continuous stalking about in sendal and diaspre. Men were pressed for money. There was unspeakable boredom in the castles. The chivalric singing was devised to lighten the boredom; and this very singing became itself in due time, in the manner of all things, an ennui.

  There has been so much written about the poetry of the best Provençal period, to wit the end of the twelfth century, that I shall say nothing of it here, but shall confine the latter part of this essay to a mention of three efforts, or three sorts of effort which were made to keep poetry alive after the crusade of 1208.

  Any study of European poetry is unsound if it does not commence with a study of that art in Provence. The art of quantitative verse had been lost. This loss was due more to ignorance than to actual changes of language, from Latin, that is, into the younger tongues. It is open to doubt whether the Aeolic singing was ever comprehended fully even in Rome. When men began to write on tablets and ceased singing to the barbitos, a loss of some sort was unavoidable. Propertius may be cited as an exception, but Propertius writes only one meter. In any case the classic culture of the Renaissance was grafted on to medieval culture, a process which is excellently illustrated by Andreas Divus Justinopolitanus’s 4 translation of the Odyssey into Latin. It is true that each century after the Renaissance has tried in its own way to come nearer the classic, but, if we are to understand that part of our civilization which is the art of verse, we must begin at the root, and that root is medieval. The poetic art of Provence paved the way for the poetic art of Tuscany; and to this Dante bears sufficient witness in the De Vulgari Eloquio. The heritage of art is one thing to the public and quite another to the succeeding artists. The artist’s inheritance from other artists can be little more than certain enthusiasms, which usually spoil his first work; and a definite knowledge of the modes of expression, which knowledge contributes to perfecting his more mature performance. This is a matter of technique.

  After the compositions of Vidal, Rudel, Ventadour, of Bornelh and Bertrans de Born and Arnaut Daniel, there seemed little chance of doing distinctive work in the ‘canzon de l’amour courtois’. There was no way, or at least there was no man in Provence capable of finding a new way of saying in six closely rhymed strophes that a certain girl, matron or widow was like a certain set of things, and that the troubadour’s virtues were like another set, and that all this was very sorrowful or otherwise, and that there was but one obvious
remedy. Richard of Brebezieu had done his best for tired ears; he had made similes of beasts and of stars which got him a passing favour. He had compared himself to the fallen elephant and to the self-piercing pelican, and no one could go any further. Novelty is reasonably rare even in modes of decadence and revival. The three devices tried for poetic restoration in the early thirteenth century were the three usual devices. Certain men turned to talking art and aesthetics and attempted to dress up the folk-song. Certain men tried to make verse more engaging by stuffing it with an intellectual and argumentative content. Certain men turned to social satire. Roughly, we may divide the interesting work of the later provençal period into these three divisions. As all of these men had progeny in Tuscany, they are, from the historical point of view, worth a few moments’ attention.

  The first school is best represented in the work of Giraut Riquier of Narbonne. His most notable feat was the revival of the Pastorela. The Pastorela is a poem in which a knight tells of having met with a shepherdess or some woman of that class, and of what fortune and conversation befell him. The form had been used long before by Marcabrun, and is familiar to us in such poems as Guido Cavalcanti’s In un boschetto trovai pastorella, or in Swinburne’s An Interlude. Guido, who did all things well, whenever the fancy took him, has raised this form to a surpassing excellence in his poem Era in pensier d’Amor, quand’ io trovai. Riquier is most amusing in his account of the inn-mistress at Sant Pos de Tomeiras, but even there he is less amusing than was Marcabrun when he sang of the shepherdess in L’autrier iost’ una sebissa. Riquier has, however, his place in the apostolic succession; and there is no reason why Cavalcanti and Riquier should not have met while the former was on his journey to Campostella, although Riquier may as easily have not been in Spain at the time. At any rate the Florentine noble would have heard the Pastorelas of Giraut; and this may have set him to his ballate, which seem to date from the time of his meeting with Mandetta in Toulouse. Or it may have done nothing of the kind. The only more or less settled fact is that Riquier was then the best known living troubadour and near the end of his course.