The Woman Who Vowed (The Demetrian)

  CHAPTER XIX

  THE LEGISLATURE MEETS

  At the first meeting of the Assembly--for the Legislature now sat nolonger at Albany but at New York--Masters arose as soon as the openingformalities were over and read a bill of amnesty for all concerned inthe so-called riot of the preceding month. He stated that an identicalbill was being at that moment offered in the Senate, and moved a jointsession of both houses to consider it.

  Peleas, the leader of the government, consented to the joint session,but asked that the matter be referred to a committee. He pointed outthat the facts were not clearly before the house, and that it wasessential that a committee should investigate the facts and present themin a report to the joint session.

  Masters opposed reference to an investigating committee. He contendedthat the very object of the bill was to prevent the issues, that hadcaused their streets to be stained by blood, from remaining confoundedby personal animosities. A great institution had been attacked; thatinstitution was, in the opinion of many, of the highest social value. Itwas possible that in some respects it had a lesson to learn; it wasimportant that the lesson be learned free from the heat of such bitterhatred as must result from an attempt to punish those who had beendriven by misguided zeal to acts of violence. Already the investigationhad shown how far the desperate effort of those implicated to shieldthemselves might distort facts; it had even been alleged--and hisstrong, honest countenance glowed for a moment with indignation as hespoke--it had even been alleged that the whole responsibility for theattack rested not upon Balbus and his followers but upon a woman! Hewould not waste the time of the house now by pointing out the diversereasons why an investigation was to be avoided. Obviously, what thecountry needed, and he thought he could say asked for, was oblivion.Why, then, an investigating committee?

  Arkles next arose--and as he was known to be the spokesman of the culthe was listened to with breathless attention. He altogether appreciatedthe weight of the argument against an investigating committee just made,but as had also been justly said, it was possible that the cult had alesson to learn. In order to learn that lesson it had to know the facts,and the facts had not yet been properly determined. Moreover, somethingwas due to law and order. It might, in the end, be considered the bettercourse to allow the punishment which those involved in the riot hadalready suffered, to suffice, and to allow oblivion to obliterate, tothe utmost possible, the whole matter from their annals. But the statewould not do its duty if it did not thoroughly investigate the crime itwas condoning; and though he regretted to oppose a man who had alwaysbeen regarded as a pillar not only of the government but of the cult, henevertheless felt it to be his duty to support the government in askingfor the appointment of an investigating committee.

  Masters, who in his heart, though he could not admit it to himself,feared the consequences to Neaera of an investigating committee,maintained his opposition; Chairo, also, who desired to avoid, at allhazards, the necessity of Lydia's appearing before such a committee, wasopposed to the investigation. Both were also influenced by the desire tocarry the bill promptly by a _coup de main_, if this were at allpossible.

  The motion of Peleas was carried by a large majority, and the resultproduced much discouragement in Chairo's ranks. Masters, however,immediately arose and moved that in view of the importance of thequestion and the impossibility of calmly discussing any other matteruntil the fate of the amnesty bill was settled, the house adjourn, andnot sit again until after the elections and after the joint session ofboth houses had completed its mission.

  Peleas and Arkles both approved of this motion, and the passage of it,with only a few scattering votes in the negative, to a certain extentrestored the confidence of the opposition. For if the government to thisextent recognized the importance of the issue raised by the amnestybill, it was possible that in the end some compromise would be agreedupon that would give substantial satisfaction.

  Ariston took no part in this preliminary skirmish. As we walked hometogether he expressed to me his satisfaction at what had occurred.Peleas had not displayed all the narrowness of which he was capable, andthe judiciousness of both Masters and Arkles indicated a willingness onthe part of both to bring the matter to a fair adjustment. I was myself,however, concerned by the probability that I should now have to appearbefore the investigating committee. My regard for Masters, as well as aliking for Neaera, of which, in spite of her duplicity, I could notaltogether rid myself, made me unwilling to state all that had occurredwhen I conveyed Chairo's message to Balbus. I had hoped that the passageof the amnesty bill would have made the hearing of testimonyunnecessary; so I asked Ariston whether I would be compelled to testify.To my great relief Ariston assured me that my peculiar position as aguest of the community, made it quite possible for me to ask and obtaina dispensation; he promised to arrange it for me.

  On reaching our quarters we betook ourselves as usual to the bath,which, at this season of the year, was warmed to a suitable temperature,and after our plunge, as we lay upon our couches smoking cigarettes, Iasked Ariston whether he had seen Anna of Ann since our return to NewYork.

  "No," answered he, "it is difficult to see her; she is working all dayat the factory, in order to earn a full month's holiday later; she iseager to complete the sculpture on which she is engaged; and that fatherof hers never invites any one to his house!"

  "I have never met her father," said I. "Her mother I have seen at theLydia's, but her father--what kind of a man is he?"

  "He is a miser!"

  "A miser!" exclaimed I. "In a Collectivist state! How is that possible?"

  "It could not be possible in a purely Collectivist state; but as soon asindividual industry took an important development it became possible."

  I was not clear about this, and Ariston, seeing the confusion in myface, explained.

  "Take this case of Campbell's, for example"--Campbell was the name ofAnna's father--"as soon as Masters got at the head of several industrialenterprises and had obtained a valuable credit in the community,Campbell saw that there was here a credit to exploit and a real serviceto be rendered to the public, so he induced Masters to start a bank, andthe bank of Masters & Campbell is known all over the United States. ButCampbell can explain all this better than I can; and although Campbellnever asks any one to his house, we can ask him to ours; or, betterstill, we can ask the whole family to dine at Theodore's--you must seeTheodore's; his restaurant is one of our institutions. Come," he added,"let us go at once to their building; we may catch Anna of Ann in thetea-room, and agree upon a day."

  We dressed rapidly, and on the way I expressed my disgust at Anna'shaving to work in a factory when all her time might, under othercircumstances, be given to her art.

  "Are you quite sure," asked Ariston, "that the enforced rest from herartistic work is such a bad thing? How much of Michael Angelo's time wasspent in the purely mechanical part of his art? Then, too, there is noreason why she should be compelled to work in the factory at all. Menare all obliged to give the required quota of work to the state, butwomen have always been granted dispensations, provided somebodyundertook either to do their work for them or to relieve the state oftheir support. Now if Campbell were not a miser Anna need never do statework. And if Anna were to marry an industrious and capable man she neednever do state work."

  I looked at Ariston significantly, and he caught my eye.

  "I saw Irene yesterday," he said, "and we spoke of it. She is a noblewoman, and the eagerness and delight with which she heard me speak ofAnna made my eyes fill. She is altogether devoted now to her work in thecloister; she is absorbed in her boy, who seems to combine all the vigorof Chairo with her own gentleness; she teaches not only him but a classof boys of his age, and is doing a splendid work there. I have quitegiven up the idea that she will ever marry again."

  It was pretty clear that, although Ariston was willing to admit he hadgiven up the idea of marrying Irene, he was not willing to admit that hewas seriously entertaining the idea of marrying any one e
lse. So Ireturned to our original subject:

  "But how can Campbell hoard?" asked I. "Isn't your money valueless twoyears after its issue?"

  "Yes, but Campbell has made a money of his own; besides, before he didthis, he hoarded gold."

  "But I thought all the gold was owned by the state and used exclusivelyfor foreign exchanges?"

  "So it is--as currency; but the state could not refuse to allow skillfulworkers in the precious metals to exercise their skill in ornaments, andso there comes into the market not only state manufacture of gold andsilver, but also for some years past the products of individualenterprise. Don't you remember the beautiful necklace Neaera wears?Lydia, too; even Irene wears a heavy bracelet of solid gold.

  "And do you mean to say that Campbell hoards ornaments?"

  "My dear fellow, there is nothing unusual in hoarding ornaments; most ofthe wealth of the Rajahs at the time of the conquest of India consistedof ornaments and precious stones; and later, the hoarding of ornamentsby the natives constituted one of the financial difficulties with whichthe English Government had to contend. Then, too, a miser is notactuated by intelligence; he is the slave of an instinct--the hoardinginstinct. He must hoard something, and as there is no gold coin tohoard, Campbell hoards gold ornaments."

  We found that both Ann and Anna had left the tea-room, so we ventured tothe inhospitable door of their apartment. Anna opened it to us andushered us into a room where her father was sitting. He was a small manwith an intelligent face, but the hair grew on his head in a manner thatwas characteristic; some people would have called him bald, but he wasnot bald; the hair was extremely thin, so thin that it gave his scalpthe appearance of not being perfectly clean. He greeted us courteouslyand inquiringly, as though we could not have called upon him except forsome definite purpose. So Ariston at once suggested that he and hisfamily should join us that evening at Theodore's.

  "We should be delighted," said he. "But we are expecting our boy thisevening--Harmes."

  Harmes was the young man who had been convicted of using violence withNeaera and had been sent to the Penal Colony.

  "You will want to spend your first evening with Harmes _en famille_,"said Ariston, "so let us say to-morrow."

  Campbell consulted his wife, and accepted.

  "When does Harmes arrive?" asked Ariston.

  "We are expecting him every moment," answered Campbell.

  "To-morrow, then, at Theodore's at seven," said Ariston, and we left.

  The absence of all shame as to the imprisonment of Harmes struck me asremarkable, but Ariston soon set me straight.

  "You are possessed by the notions that prevailed in your day--notionsthat resulted in great part from the fact that most of your criminalswere poor and dirty. Your system created a residuum--a criminalclass--as surely as the thresher by sifting out the wheat leaves behindthe residuum we call chaff. And the residuum of your competitive system,which recognized practically only one prize (that is to say, money),necessarily consisted of those who being unable to earn this prizebecame destitute; of these the most enterprising were criminals, theleast enterprising, paupers. This is the state of things to whichCollectivism puts an end. Because all work for the state all areentitled to an equal share in the national income; there are nodestitute, no paupers, no criminal _class_. Indeed, it may be said thatthe criminal, such as you were accustomed to see him in your policecourts, does not exist among us at all. Occasionally a man is temptedbeyond endurance, as in the case of Harmes, or in the case of Chairo andhis confederates. But if Chairo were convicted and sent to a penalcolony, he would on his release recover the social position to which hewas by his conduct entitled without regard to the fact that he hadserved a term. No one would think of applying the Word 'criminal' toeither Chairo or Harmes. Of course there are men born among us, as amongyou, with what may be termed truly criminal instinct--moral perverts whotake pleasure in causing pain. Such are rarely curable. They seldomreturn to social life. They are treated like lepers. We try to maketheir lot as little wretched as we can. But we recognize that thehappiness of the entire community must be preferred to that of theseexceptions; they are kept in confinement, and above all, they are notallowed to perpetuate the type."

  There was nothing new in all this. We were as familiar in my day withthis reasoning as Ariston. But we were dominated by our institutions,our penal codes, our criminal lawyers, our prisons, and, above all, ouramazing doctrines of individual liberty, which vindicated it for thecriminal and disregarded it for the workingman. So that the industriouswere bound to as enforced labor as the convict all the time, whereas theconvict was periodically let loose on the community to idle and tosteal.