The Dawn of All

  (I)

  "Monsignor," said the Cardinal, "I am afraid I shall have to askyou to go, after all. It is extremely important that the Catholicauthorities in England should be represented in this scheme. AndI think, you will have to travel with the first batch. They leaveQueenstown on the first of April."

  "Certainly. And when shall I be back, your Eminence?"

  "You must judge for yourself. It will not be more than a monthor six weeks at the outside, and I dare say a good deal less. Itwill depend on the temper of the settlers. The American civilauthorities will have the final arrangements. But it isexceedingly important that the emigrants should have some one tospeak for them; and as, of course, the Church will be believedto be really responsible, it will be as well that anecclesiastic should be their friend. Identify yourself with themas far as possible. The civil authorities are sure to beinclined to be hard."

  "Very good, your Eminence."

  * * * * *

  The scheme had come to birth very rapidly.

  After the second reading of the Establishment Bill, it had beentaken for granted, and rightly, that the rest was but a matterof time, and it was calculated that, considering theGovernment's attitude, the Bill would receive the royal assentbefore the end of the summer. Immediately, therefore, the morepeaceable Socialists had taken fright, and in every Europeancountry had made representations that now that their lastrefuges in Germany and England had been closed to them, somearrangement ought to be made by which they could enjoy completecivil and religious liberty elsewhere. The idea had been in theair, of course, for a considerable time. There had beencomplaints on all sides that public opinion was too strong, thatSocialists, in spite of the protection given to them, suffered agood deal in informal ways owing to their opinions, and thatsome expedient would have to be found for their relief. ThenAmerica had come to the rescue, openly and formally, and hadoffered Massachusetts, which already had a large proportion ofSocialists in its population, as a colony which would betolerated as definitely socialistic. Christians would be warnedthat the new system would, if the Powers agreed, be ondefinitely non-Catholic lines, and that the immigration lawswould be in future suspended with regard to Massachusetts. Therewere, of course, innumerable details still to be worked out, butby the end of February the understanding was established, andfrom every European country emigrant parties were arranged.

  There was something almost attractive about the scheme to thepopular mind. It had been talked of for years before--thisarrangement by which the Socialists should have an opportunity ofworking out once more those old exploded democratic ideas towhich they still clung so pathetically. Every child knew, ofcourse, how fifty years before the experiment had been made invarious places, and how appalling tyranny had been theresult--tyranny, that is, over those who, in the Socialistcommunities, still held to Individualism. But what would happen,the world indulgently wondered, in a community where there wereno Individualists? One of two things certainly would happen.Either the scheme would work and every democrat be satisfied, orthe theory would be reduced to a practical absurdity, and thepoison would be expelled for ever from the world's system.Besides, if this asylum were once definitely secured andguaranteed by the assent of the Powers, the new heresy laws thatwere already coming to birth in Germany, that were alreadyenforced with considerable vigour in the Latin countries, andwere (it was known) being prepared and adapted for England--thesecould now go forward and be applied universally, without any fearof undue severity. It would, once and for all, get rid of thoseendless complaints as to Christian injustice in silencing thefree expression of infidel and socialistic ideas, and offer thema refuge where such things could not only be discussed, but putto the test of practice.

  Monsignor Masterman himself was still in a state of personalindecision, but he certainly welcomed this solution of some ofhis interior troubles, and he had warmly supported the scheme atevery opportunity he had.

  But it was strange how he could not yet, in spite of his efforts,get rid of that deep discomfort which had been, for a time, lulledby his visit to Ireland. There was still, deep down in his mind, asense that the Christianity he saw round him, and which he himselfhelped to administer, was not the religion of its Founder. Therewas still an instinct which he could not eradicate, telling thatthe essence of the Christian attitude lay in readiness to suffer.And he only saw round him, so far as the public action of theChurch was concerned, a triumphant Government. He could notconceal from himself a fear that the world and the Church had,somehow or other, changed places. . . .

  However, this new scheme was, at any rate, an act both of justiceand mercy, and he was very willing indeed--in fact he hadactually proposed it more than once--to go himself with the firstemigrants from England to Massachusetts.