The Loyalist

  CHAPTER VIII

  I

  "I have no desire to make a speech," Stephen began, "but I have askedfor this privilege of addressing you because we are moving throughcritical times and because there are serious decisions to be made thisevening, which it is neither right nor possible for us to make without afull consideration of the state of affairs. I have devoted much seriousthought to this subject. I have labored to arrive at a just conclusion,and it is in that spirit that I would speak. I feel, too, that I have aninalienable right as a free-born citizen to express my views freely andpublicly, as befits a loyal adherent of the principles which we are nowdefending with our blood. And first among those principles is that whichguarantees representation in all matters that are of vital concern tous."

  He had not left his chair but continued to talk from his place besideit, turning, however, somewhat in the direction of his audience. Silencereigned throughout the room and every face was turned full upon him.

  "I, too, had accepted the terms of enlistment on the plea of theacquisition of our rights, so admirably exposed to us by our goodfriend, Mr. Anderson. As I pondered the matter, however, I seriouslyquestioned whether this were the proper time for the employment of suchmethods. What assurance have we,--if indeed assurance be needed,--thatthis is not another trick of the enemy? Bear with me, please, while Iunfold to you my thoughts.

  "Our leader and our guide in these matters, Mr. Anderson, has made knownto us that this business of recruiting has been a great success. But didhe tell us of the sinister methods which often had been resorted to, ofthe many threats which had been exercised over a great number of us, ofthe debts which had been relieved, of the intimidation which had beenemployed? He declared with manifest satisfaction that the recruiting inthe city of New York had been marvelous in its results, yet he did notexplain to our satisfaction the reason which impelled the leaders ofthis revolt to seek members from the neighboring cities to help swellthe ranks; nor did he tell of the means which had been made use of tosecure that marvelous number in the city, of all cities, where suchrecruiting would be most successful because of the present Britishoccupation of the territory. Furthermore, he failed to tell us that hehimself is not a Catholic, or that his true name is not Anderson, or ofhis history previous to his appearance in this city. Neither did he tellus that Lieutenant-Colonel Clifton, while a Philadelphia Catholic, is aBritish subject, having accepted British allegiance on the capture ofthe city a year ago last September. There were many items of importancewhich were not revealed to us. Shall I continue? I have an abundance offacts to disclose to you, if you give me leave."

  So favorable had been the impression produced by the speech of Andersonthat Stephen felt apprehensive lest his own criticism and contradictionwould not be accepted as true. And so he paused to learn if possible thenature of his reception.

  "Yes!... We want to hear them!... Tell us more!..."

  There was a wild outburst of approval, followed by a generoushandclapping. In the confusion, Stephen observed Anderson together withColonel Clifton leave their places on the platform and take seats on theside of the room.

  "It is quite true that we have no quarrel with the English people. Wehave no quarrel with their king or the framers of their laws. It isequally true that the governments of Great Britain and the UnitedColonies have become involved in a military struggle, a struggle to thedeath; nevertheless we would be the last to imply that there exists anyessential antagonism of interests or purposes between the two peoples.We are not engaged in a contest between Englishmen and Americans, butbetween two antagonistic principles of government, each of which has itsadvocates and its opponents among us who sit here, among those who livewith us in our own country, among those who reside in far-off England.The contest is a political contest, the ancient contest between the Whigand the Tory principles of government, the contest of Chatham and North,and Richmond, Rockingham and Burke transferred to this side of theAtlantic. The political liberty to which we have dedicated ourselves isno product of our imaginations; our forefathers of the seventeenthcentury brought it to our shores and now we naturally refuse tosurrender it. It is the principle for which we are contending,--theprinciples that these United Colonies are and of a right ought to befree and independent states; and in all matters else we are loyal fosterchildren of His Majesty the King, as loyal and as interested a people inthe welfare of the mother country as the most devoted subject of thecrown residing in the city of London.

  "War was inevitable. This has been known for some time; but there hasbeen no lack of cordiality between the people of the United Kingdom andthe people of the United Colonies. We are opposed to certain principlesof statecraft, to the principle of taxation without representation, tothe same degree as are the Whigs of our mother country. We cherish thewarmest sentiments of love and admiration for the English people and weare ready to become their brothers in arms at any future date for thedefense of those very ideals which we are now trying to establish,--theblessings of democracy; but we abominate autocracy and will have none ofit. In this regard we may be said to have disinfected our anger, butnever to have diluted it."

  The Tory element moved about in their seats, and Stephen suspected for amoment that he was being treated with an air of disdain. He shifted hispoint of view suddenly.

  "To say that the Catholic people of this country are dissatisfied withthe conduct of the war is begging the question, and brands them with astigma which they wholly undeserve. We admit for the sake of argumentthat our early cousins may have proved themselves somewhat intolerant,and, perhaps, rendered conditions of life disagreeable to us; still goldmust be tried by the fire. We grow vigorous under storms of persecution.And while it is true that the American Congress of 1774 protestedagainst the legislature of Great Britain establishing a 'religionfraught with impious tenets,' yet it is equally true that the Congressof 1776 resolved to protect 'all foreigners in the free exercise oftheir respective religions.' The past has been buried by this; thefuture lies before us.

  "We do not grieve on that account. Rather are we proud of our adhesionto the cause of independence, and you, yourselves, are no less proud ofyour own efforts in this regard. The Commander-in-chief is warmlydisposed towards the Catholic element, not alone in the army, but amongthe citizenry. His own bodyguard is composed of men, more than thirty ofwhom bear Catholic names. One of his aides, Colonel Fitzgerald, is aCatholic. His Captain and Commander of the Navy, nominated and appointedby himself, is a Catholic, John Barry. We are appreciative of theservices of our General, and we are ready to render ourselves worthy ofthe esteem and the respect in which we are held by him, as was evidencedby his abolition of the celebration of Guy Fawkes Day, so detestable tous.

  "I repeat this to impress upon you that this is not the time forreligious controversy or for nicely calculating the scope and the extentof our service. The temper of the times requires unity of action anddefinition of purpose. Our people respect us. Whatever restrictions werelodged against us in the past have been broken down now before thebattering ram of public opinion. The guarantees for the future given byour own brethren, that we shall be permitted the free and unrestrictedexercise of our religious observances as well as the right to worshipGod according to the dictates of our own consciences, are of moreendurable texture than the flimsy promises of the enemy. Our noble andgenerous ally, France, already has procured for us that respect andrecognition so indispensable to our safety and, contrary to the opinionalready expressed here tonight, has sent us six thousand men, the firstinstallment of an army of at least twelve thousand trained soldiers,destined to be put directly under General Washington's command. Togetherwith these she has already furnished Congress with large sums of moneyto enable us to carry on the war. The dawn of a brighter day is nowbreaking over the horizon and in the east the sun of justice and oftoleration and of liberty may be seen breaking through the low-hungclouds of oppression, prejudice and tyranny which have so long obscuredit. In our history there has been no coward, no Tory, no traitor of o
urfaith. We are still Loyalists; but of different type. That precious andhistoric document of July 4, 1776, definitely and for all time absolvedus from all allegiance to the British Crown. By nature, then, we havebecome citizens of a new government, a government instituted by andsubject to the peoples of these free and independent states. Henceforth,Loyalty assumes a newer and most lasting significance;--it has suddenlybecome for us synonymous with the best and dearest interests of ourcountry."

  He paused.

  II

  The sigh throughout the room was distinctly audible as he ended hisparagraph with a rhetorical pause. He caught the sound on the instantand understood its meaning as the orator, holding his audience inbreathless intensity, allows them to drop suddenly that he mayappreciate his control of their feelings. Their pent-up energies giveway to an abrupt relaxation followed by a slight scuffling of the bodyor an intermittent cough. From these unconscious indications, Stephenknew that he had held their interest and he did not intend that theyshould be allowed to compose themselves quite, until he had finished. Hebegan at once on the evidence of the plot.

  "The members of this proposed company before whom I have the privilegeof speaking, have been the victims of a gigantic plot, a plot that foundits origin in the headquarters of the British army at New York City. Itwas to advance the plan that John Anderson came to Philadelphia. He hadcarried on communication with the enemy almost without interruption.Because the work of recruiting in the city of the enemy was a failure,it was decreed that the city of Philadelphia, as the most Tory of theAmerican cities, be called upon for the requisite number. Of theprogress here, you already know. Of the multifarious means employed, youyourselves can bear excellent witness. Of the ultimate success of theventure you are now about to decide.

  "The Military Governor, General Arnold, was early initiated into thescheme. For a long time he has borne a fierce grudge against Congress,and he hoped that the several Catholic members of the body might beinduced to forsake the American cause. They sought Father Farmer, ourgood pastor, as chaplain of the regiment, but he refused with mingleddelicacy and tact. Indeed, were it not for the hostile state of thepublic mind, a campaign of violence would have been resorted to; butArnold felt the pulse of dislike throbbing in the heart of the communityand very wisely refrained from increasing its fervor. All possible aidwas furnished by him, however, in a secret manner. His counsel wasgenerously given. Many of your names were supplied by him together withan estimate of your financial standing, your worth in the community,your political tendencies, the strength of your religious convictions.And what a comparatively simple matter it was for one thus equipped toaccomplish so marvelous and so satisfactory results!

  "I repeat, then, General Arnold is strongly prejudiced against us. It isan open secret that Catholic soldiers have fared ill at his hands.Tories and Jews compose his retinue, but no Catholics. I am not criticalin this respect for I observe that he is enjoying but a personalprivilege. But I allude to this fact at this moment to assure you thatthis scheme of forming a regiment of Roman Catholic Volunteers isdirected solely to subvert the good relations already existing betweenus and our brethren in arms. The promises made bore no hope offulfillment. The guarantees of immunity deserve no consideration. TheQuebec Act, and for this I might say in passing that we are dulygrateful, was never to be extended. In view of these observations, I askyou: are you willing to continue with this nefarious business? Are you?"

  "No!" was the interruption. The outburst was riotous. "Arrest thetraitor!... I move we adjourn!..."

  Stephen held out his hands in supplication to beseech them to hear himfurther.

  "Please, gentlemen! Just one more word," he pleaded.

  They stood still and listened.

  "Has it occurred to you, let me ask, that the vessel which has beenengaged to transport you to the city of New York is named the _Isis_, asloop well known to sea-faring men of this city? She is owned byPhiladelphia citizens and manned by a local crew. Does not this strikeyou as remarkably strange and significant,--that a vessel of thischaracter should clear this port and enter the port of the enemy withoutflying the enemy's flag? Think of it, gentlemen! An American vessel withan American crew employed by the enemy, and chartered to aid and abetthe enemy's cause!"

  They resumed their seats to give their undivided attention to this newtopic of interest. Some sat alert, only partly on the chair; some satforward with their chins resting in the palms of their hands. Soabsorbed were all in astonishment and amazement, that no other thoughtgave them any concern save that of the vessel. The side door had openedand closed, yet no one seemed to notice the occurrence. Even Stephen hadfailed to observe it.

  "As a matter of fact," he continued, "the ship has not been chartered bythe enemy. She is about to clear this port and enter the port of theenemy by virtue of a pass issued through General Arnold.... Please, justa moment, until I conclude," he exclaimed, holding out his hand with arestraining gesture. "This matter has heretofore been a close secret,but it is necessary now that the truth should be known. To issue a passfor such an errand is a violation of the American Articles of War andfor this offense I now formally charge Major-General Benedict Arnoldwith treason."

  "The traitor!... Court-martial him!..." shouted several voices.

  "I charge him with being unfaithful to his trust. He had made use of ourwagons to transport the property of the enemy at a time when the linesof communication of the enemy were no farther distant than Egg Harbor.He has allowed many of our people to enter and leave the lines of theenemy. He has illegally concerned himself over the profits of aprivateer. He has imposed, or at any rate has given his sanction to theimposition of menial offices upon the sons of freedom who are nowserving in the militia, as was the case with young Matlack, which youwill remember. And he has of late improperly granted a pass for a vesselto clear for the port of the enemy. I desire to make these chargespublicly in order that you may know that my criticisms are not withoutfoundation. I have in view your welfare alone."

  "Aye!... We believe you!... Let us adjourn!"

  "Let me ask Mr. Anderson one or two questions. If they can be answeredto your satisfaction we shall accept his overtures. On the other handlet us dispense once and for all with this nefarious business andfrustrate this insidious conspiracy so that we may renew our energiesfor the task before us which alone matters--the task of overcoming theenemy.

  "First! Who has financed the organization, equipment, transportation ofthis regiment of Roman Catholic Volunteers?

  "Second: From what source or sources originated the various methods ofblackmail?

  "Third: Who first suggested the cooperation of General Arnold?

  "Fourth: What pressure was brought to bear in the obtaining of thepassport for the vessel to clear port?"

  III

  But there was no Anderson to give answer. It was found that he, togetherwith Colonel Clifton and several members of the party, had disappearedfrom the room. No one had remembered seeing them take their departure,yet it was observed that they had left the platform in the course ofStephen's speech to take seats on the further side of the hall, near tothe door. This might have opened and closed several times duringStephen's speech, and, more especially, at the time when they hadcrowded the aisles near the close of the address, and little or noattention would have been paid to it. Very likely Anderson had takenadvantage of such an opportunity to make an escape.

  It was a very different room now. What had been a state of remarkablequiet with every man in his seat, with the conversation hardly above thetone of a whisper, with the uniform tranquillity disturbed solely by theremarks of the two speakers, was now giving way to a precipitous uproarwhich approached a riot. Men surged about one another and about Stephenin an endeavor to learn the details of the plot. Groups separatedthemselves from other equally detached groups, all absorbed, however, inthe same topic. Voices, formerly hushed, now became vociferous. Thewalls reverberated with the tumultuous confusion.

  "What dupes!" one was remarking to
his neighbor. "How easily were we ledby his smooth talk!"

  "We were misguided in our motives of allegiance. We might have sensed atrick of the enemy," was the reply.

  "Let us win the war, first," shouted a third.

  "Aye! Freedom first; then religious liberty."

  "Who is he?" another asked. "It cannot be Cadwalader."

  "No," answered the neighbor. "This was prearranged. He borrowedCadwalader's card to come here."

  "I always told you Arnold was no good," sounded a great voice. "He'dsell us to the devil if he could get paid for it. I suppose he'll go toNew York sure."

  "Let him. Wish he was out of here."

  "Say!" one asked Stephen rather abruptly. "How did you get all thisstraight?"

  "I interested myself the moment the scheme took root. I assured myselfthat all was not as it should be and I took pains to verify mysuspicions," was the grave reply.

  "I know, but how did ye get 'em?"

  "By following every move this Anderson made. I tracked him even to MountPleasant."

  "And got beforehand with Arnold?"

  "I overheard the major portion of the conversation."

  "Pardon me," asked another individual, neater in appearance than themajority, and evidently of more education, "but have I not seen youbefore?"

  "Perhaps you have," laughed Stephen.

  "Where?"

  "I could not begin to imagine."

  "Where do you live? In town?"

  "For the present, yes."

  "Who are you?"

  "Can't you see? Just one of you?"

  "Never saw you in those clothes before. If I am not greatly mistaken youare the one who came to the Coffee House one day with Matt. Allison."

  "Yes," admitted Stephen, "I am the same."

  "How did you come by those clothes?"

  "Borrowed them."

  "In disguise, eh?"

  "It was necessary to simulate a disguise. Otherwise I could never havegained admission here. I learned that Jim Cadwalader had been impressedinto the company and I arranged to come in his place."

  "Oh!"

  "You took a mighty big risk."

  "It was required. But I knew that there was but one way of playing thisgame and that was to defeat them openly by their own tactics. I had todepend, of course, upon the temper of the proposed members. All might belost or won at one throw of the dice. I worded my remarks to thateffect, and I won."

  "What did you say your name was?"

  "I did not say what it was," Stephen exchanged in good-natured repartee,"but since you ask, it is Meagher."

  "Captain Meagher?"

  Stephen smiled.

  It must have been fully half-past nine when the meeting broke up; andthat was at the departure of Stephen. He had lingered long enough toassure himself that the company was of a mind far different from thatwhich had engaged them upon their arrival. They were now to go forthwiser men. But they knew that the people of the city could be movedquickly to indignation--as quickly, indeed, as they could be moved tofavor. And how were they to explain their conduct? They resolved to laythe story with all its details before the very table of public opinionand allow that tribunal to discriminate between the shades of guilt.

  Anderson, of course, had fled. That in itself was a confession and apoint in their favor. It was plain to their minds that they had beenvictimized by the clever machinations of this man. If there had been anylack of unity of opinion concerning the righteousness of the projectbefore, there was no divided opinion now. They knew what they were aboutto do, and they made all possible haste to put their thought intoexecution.

  The ancient antipathy against the Military Governor was only intensifiedthe more. Rumor would confirm the charges that would be publishedagainst him, of that they would take proper care. It was enough thatthey had been deluded by Anderson, but to be mere pawns in the hands ofArnold was more than they could stand. Too long had he been toleratedwith his Tory wife and her manner of living, and now was an opportunity.Their path of duty was outlined before them.

  Thoroughly satisfied with his evening's work, Stephen turned down thestreet whistling softly to himself.