Titans of History
In 1922 Lenin, keen to balance Trotsky’s prestige, promoted Stalin to the post of the party’s general secretary. Before long, however, Lenin became outraged by his protégé’s arrogance and tried to sack him—but it was too late. After Lenin suffered a fatal stroke in 1924, Stalin allied himself with Lev Kamenev and Grigory Zinoviev against Trotsky, who was defeated by 1925, sent into exile in 1929 and assassinated by one of Stalin’s hit men in 1940. After Trotsky’s exile, Stalin swung to the right, allying himself with Nikolai Bukharin to defeat Kamenev and Zinoviev.
In 1929 Stalin was hailed as Lenin’s successor, the Vozhd—the Leader—and thenceforth became the subject of a frenzied cult of personality. Jettisoning Bukharin, Stalin embarked on a ruthless push to industrialize the backward USSR and collectivize the peasantry. When the peasantry resisted, Stalin launched a quasiwar against the better-off peasants, known as kulaks, shooting many, exiling more, and continuing to sell grain abroad even as 10 million were shot or died in a famine he himself had created. It was one of Stalin’s greatest crimes.
In 1934, despite a triumphant party congress, there was a plot to replace Stalin with his young henchman, Sergei Kirov, who was later assassinated in Leningrad. Stalin may or may not have ordered the killing, but he certainly used it to launch the Great Terror to regain control and crush any dissent. With the aid of the NKVD secret police, Stalin subjected those he regarded as his leading political enemies to a series of show trials, extracting false confessions by torture. Zinoviev, Kamenev and Bukharin were all found guilty of fabricated crimes and shot, as were two successive leaders of the NKVD, Yagoda and Yezhov. But the show trials were just the tip of the iceberg: in 1937–8 Stalin drew up secret orders to arrest and shoot thousands of “enemies of the people” by city and regional quotas. The politburo and central committee were purged; 40,000 army officers were shot, including three of the five marshals. Even Stalin’s closest friends were not immune: he signed death lists of 40,000 names. Soviet society was terrorized and poisoned. In those years approximately one million were shot, while many millions more were arrested, tortured and exiled to the labor camps of Siberia, where many died. “You can’t make an omelet without cracking eggs,” he said.
In 1939, faced with a resurgent Nazi Germany and distrusting the Western democracies, Stalin put aside his anti-fascism and signed the Nonaggression Pact with Hitler. Poland was partitioned between Germany and the USSR, and 28,000 Polish officers were murdered in the Katyn Forest on Stalin’s orders. Stalin also seized and terrorized the Baltic States, and launched a disastrous war against Finland.
Stalin ignored constant warnings that Hitler was planning to attack the USSR. The invasion came in June 1941, and within days the Soviet armies were retreating. Stalin’s inept interference in military matters led to colossal losses—some 6 million soldiers—in the first year of war. But by late 1942 he had finally learned to take advice, and his generals scored a decisive victory over the Germans at Stalingrad. This was the turning point in the war, and by the time Berlin fell to the Red Army in May 1945, the Soviets controlled all of eastern Europe—and were to maintain a steely grip on it for the next forty-five years. Stalin was indifferent to the cost of victory: some 27 million Soviet citizens—both soldiers and civilians—perished during the war, during the course of which Stalin had ordered the deportation of entire peoples to Siberia, including a million Chechens, of whom half died in the process.
During the war, Stalin built personal relationships with the Allied war leaders, Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill, charming and manipulating both in a series of summit meetings of the Big Three at Tehran, Yalta and Potsdam. He proved an adept diplomat.
Just when he was at his apogee in 1945, President Harry Truman (Roosevelt’s successor) revealed that America had the atomic bomb, which they went on to use against Japan. Faced with rising US power, Stalin successfully threw all his resources into a secret project to create a Soviet A-bomb, which was achieved by 1949.
Stalin’s last years were spent in glorious, paranoid isolation. Soon after the end of the war he relaunched his reign of terror. In 1949 two of his own chosen heirs were shot in the Leningrad case, along with many others. In 1952, apparently convinced that all Jews in the USSR were in alliance with America, he planned to execute his veteran comrades, implicating them in the fabricated Doctors’ Plot, alleging that Jewish doctors were conspiring to assassinate the Soviet leadership. Stalin died after a stroke in March 1953.
A master of brutal repression, subtle conspiracy and political manipulation, this cobbler’s son became both the supreme pontiff of international Marxism and the most successful Russian tsar in history. Stalin and the Bolsheviks, along with his great foes Hitler and the Nazis, brought more misery and tragedy to more people than anyone else in history.
Tiny in stature, with inscrutable features, honey-colored eyes that turned yellow in anger, Stalin was gifted but joyless, paranoid to the point of insanity, utterly cynical and ruthless, yet a fanatical Marxist. A terrible husband and father who poisoned every love relationship in his life, he believed that human life was always expendable and physical annihilation was the essential tool of politics. “One death,” he told Churchill with characteristic gallows humor, “is a tragedy; a million is a statistic.” Stalin had no illusions about his brutality: “The advantage of the Soviet model,” he said, “is that it solves problems quickly—by shedding blood.” Ten to 20 million died at his hands and 18 million passed through his Gulag concentration camps.
One of history’s most pitiless monsters, he nonetheless remains a hero to many: a textbook prefaced by President Vladimir Putin himself in 2008 hailed him as “the most successful Russian leader of the 20th century.”
EINSTEIN
1879–1955
To raise new questions, new possibilities, to regard old problems from a new angle requires creative imagination and marks real advances in science.
Einstein on the essence of scientific creativity
It is no coincidence that Albert Einstein’s name has become all but synonymous with genius. He was the most important physicist of the 20th century—some would say of any century. His discoveries, both building on and supplanting the classical mechanics of Newton, marked a paradigm shift that radically transformed our understanding of the universe.
Einstein’s theory of relativity may be one of the most famous and fruitful scientific insights of all time, but the man behind it was far more than just a scientist. Throughout his life Einstein was committed to social issues and pacifism, speaking out against tyranny and persecution and despairing at the creation of the atomic bomb. Fifty years after his death, he remains an instantly recognizable figure, his face famously etched with wit and good humor.
Born into a family of secular middle-class Jews, Albert Einstein was brought up in Germany. As a child he was slow to develop (he was nicknamed der Depperte—the dopey one), but a magnetic compass given to him when he was five and a book on geometry he received when he was twelve pricked his intellectual curiosity in a way that the rigid German school system could not. Sent to boarding school in Munich, at the age of fifteen the boy ran away from both school and impending military service and joined his parents, who had moved to Italy in search of work.
Unimpressed by the arrival of their dissolute, draft-dodging son, the Einsteins welcomed Albert’s enrollment at university in Zurich, where he spent some of his happiest years. Here he met his first wife, Mileva Maric, a Serbian and fellow physicist whom he married in 1903. The same year he ended a long search for employment with an appointment to the patent office in Berne.
Analyzing patents was undemanding work that left Einstein time to apply his mind to mathematical and scientific problems. He was struck in particular by the apparent incompatibility of Newton’s laws of motion and James Clerk Maxwell’s equations describing the behavior of light. In 1905 he published a momentous series of scientific papers dealing with the movement and behavior of light, water and molecules. The m
ost important proposal was the special theory of relativity, which has been described as the towering intellectual achievement of the 20th century, one that changed the way people understood the laws that govern the universe. According to this theory, nothing can move faster than light, the speed of which is constant throughout the universe. It also showed, via the famous equation E = mc2, that energy (E) and mass (m) are equivalent and bound together in their relationship by the speed of light (c). Special relativity does away with the idea of absolute time; it proposes instead that time is relative, its measurement dependent on the motion of the observer. Space and time are all part of the same thing, a single continuum known as space–time.
What special relativity did not account for was the effect of gravity upon space–time. In 1915, in a series of lectures at the University of Göttingen, he finally resolved this problem by outlining his general theory of relativity.
According to this theory, the presence of objects of mass curves or warps space–time. Like a bowling ball placed in the middle of a trampoline, a large object such as a planet or star causes other objects to move through space–time toward it. So the earth, for instance, is not “pulled” toward the sun; rather, it follows the curve in space–time caused by the sun and is prevented from falling into it only by its own speed.
Einstein’s prediction that light from a star passing close to the sun’s gravitational field would be deflected, causing the star’s apparent position in the sky to change, was confirmed by observations during a solar eclipse in 1919. Another peculiar effect predicted by Einstein and later confirmed by observation is time dilation: the idea that time is not absolute but slows down at speeds approaching the speed of light. One upshot of time dilation is the bizarre twins paradox. If one of a pair of twins stays on earth while the other travels at close to the speed of light on a round trip to a distant star, the latter will have aged less than the stay-at-home sibling.
In this and numerous other ways, the theory of relativity continues to confound our common-sense ways of looking at and understanding the world around us. Nevertheless, it is today firmly established as the fundamental conceptual platform on which the physical sciences are built.
Few people noticed Einstein’s revolutionary theories until Max Planck, the German scientist and father of quantum theory, helped to publicize them. By 1913 Einstein had risen in the academic world to become director of the Institute of Physics at the University of Berlin.
While Einstein’s fame rocketed during this period, his personal life was in turmoil. After a lengthy separation he finally divorced Mileva in 1919 and promptly married his cousin Elsa Löwenthal. Einstein was now the most famous scientist in the world. He met and corresponded with many of the world’s leading scientists and artists, including Sigmund Freud, the Indian mystic Rabindranath Tagore and Charlie Chaplin. “The people applaud me,” Chaplin once told Einstein, “because everybody understands me; they applaud you because no one understands you.”
Though he was far from religiously orthodox and his theories seemed to cast doubt on religions, Einstein always believed in some form of higher principle or spirit. “The scientist is possessed by the sense of universal causation,” he wrote. “His religious feeling takes the form of a rapturous amazement at the harmony of natural law, which reveals an intelligence of such superiority that, compared with it, all the systematic thinking and acting of human beings is an utterly insignificant reflection.” He maintained a belief in what he called der Alte—the Old Man.
In 1931 the rising Nazi Party attacked Einstein and his “Jewish physics.” He left Germany forever the following year, realizing his life was in danger. He settled in the USA at the University of Princeton. His pacifism—which had led to his open opposition to the First World War—weakened in the face of Nazi tyranny. He supported rearmament against Hitler, and in 1939 he co-wrote a letter to President Franklin D. Roosevelt in which the dangers of the development of nuclear weapons by the Nazis were pointed out. This prompted the Allied powers to collaborate in the Manhattan Project in order to produce the first atomic bomb themselves.
When the Second World War ended in 1945 with the destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Einstein turned sharply and publicly against further nuclear development and favored international restrictions. He was even monitored by the FBI for his pacifist views. In 1952 he was offered the presidency of Israel; though he was a lifelong Zionist, he respectfully declined. When he died in 1955, Einstein had not achieved his long-term goal of finding a unified theory that would provide a comprehensive explanation of the fundamental forces governing the universe and so offer (as he figuratively put it) an insight into the mind of God. Such a goal has continued to elude succeeding generations of scientists, whose work has nevertheless been revolutionized by Einstein—a colossus of science and the most humane of men.
ENVER, TALAT & JEMAL: THE THREE PASHAS
1881–1922 & 1881–1922 & 1872–1922
What on earth do you want? The question is settled. There are no more Armenians.
Talat Pasha responding to questioning about the Armenians from the German ambassador, 1918
The Three Pashas were the aggressive Turkish nationalists who emerged from the Young Turk movement and seized power in the Ottoman empire in 1913, led it into a disastrous war and ordered the massacre of a million Armenians during World War One.
All three hailed from the Macedonian provinces and therefore felt the need to prove themselves true Turks and compensate for their parochial origins. Ismail Enver was the war minister and the leader of the regime, a nationalistic military officer who regarded himself as the Ottoman Napoleon: young and brave, he was also vain, deluded and reckless. He made his name fighting Italy in Libya, and Bulgaria in the Balkans, but as a general he was inept and amateurish. Nonetheless by the age of at thirty-one he had seized power, married in to the Ottoman royal family, moved into a palace and received the title of vice-generalissimo. His colleague Ahmet Jemal, was the most flamboyant of the three: a tiny, energetic showman, bon viveur and army officer, capable of the dirty work in Istanbul, organizing killings of opponents. Yet he was also intelligent, flexible and charming, with an array of beautiful Jewish mistresses and friendships with foreigners. He became navy minister and effective viceroy of the Arab provinces of the empire. The third pasha was Talat, a civil servant in the post office until he was sacked for his membership of the Young Turks—officially the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP)—and became the interior minister of the regime.
The three men had all joined the Young Turks, espousing its early and liberal ideas. They fought to achieve the revolution of 1908, and the restoration of Parliament
After the assassination of Prime Minister Mahmud Sevket Pasha in July 1913, and then the shooting (by Enver himself) of the war minister Talat, Enver and Jemal became the “Three Pashas,” the junta of triumvirs who led the empire into World War One after Enver had personally shot the war minister. Their early liberal ideas soon proved illusionary as they embraced a militant and racist Turkish nationalism, increasingly inspired by the belief that only war and violence could restore the vigor of the Ottomans. The most notable example of this was their treatment of the Empire’s Armenian minority.
At the beginning of the 19th century, the predominantly Christian Armenians had still been referred to as the Millet-i Sadika—the loyal community. However, Russian expansion into the Caucasus helped stimulate Armenian nationalism. The Ottoman empire contained far fewer Christians after the 1878 Congress of Berlin, exposing the Armenians to Muslim resentment as outsiders and traitors; ordinary Turks envied Armenian mercantile wealth. Many Turks came to see the rise of Armenian nationalism as a threat to the very existence of the Ottoman state.
Already, in the final years of the 19th century, Sultan Abdul Hamid II and others had acquiesced in a series of pogroms against Armenians: possibly hundreds of thousands died in 1895–6, while the Adana massacre of 1909 cost an estimated 30,000 lives.
In 1914
/15, Enver took command of the offensive against Russia in the Caucasus. The endeavor was to end in total failure. However, Russia armed Armenian insurgents. When Russian/Armenian forces took Van in mid-May 1915, setting up an Armenian mini-state, the Three Pashas immediately laid the blame at the door of the supposedly disloyal Armenians. Talat prepared the state’s revenge.
On April 24, 1915, the security forces rounded up over 250 Armenian intellectuals and community leaders in Istanbul, deported them to the east and then murdered them. After the initial deportations in April, the program was soon extended to the entire Armenian community. Men, women and children were sent on forced marches—without food or water—to the provinces of Syria and Mesopotamia. On May 27, the Three Pashas passed the Deportation Law, confirmed by act of Parliament. The Special Organization, a paramilitary security force, was allegedly set up under Enver and Talat to carry out deportations and massacres.
During the deportations, men were routinely separated from the rest of the population and executed. Women and children were obliged to march on, and subjected to intermittent beatings and massacres. Those who survived the journey were herded into concentration camps. Conditions there were appalling. Many prisoners were tortured, made the subject of gruesome medical experiments or slaughtered. Many more died from hunger and thirst. Some of the worst excesses in the camps were recorded by the American ambassador, Henry Morgenthau, who reported how the guards would “apply red-hot irons to his [an Armenian’s] breast, tear off his flesh with red-hot pincers, and then pour boiled butter into the wounds. In some cases the gendarmes would nail hands and feet to pieces of wood—evidently in imitation of the Crucifixion, and then, while the sufferer writhed in agony, they would cry: ‘Now let your Christ come help you!’”