The Rise of Rome (Penguin Classics)

  15. The circumstances of the dedication of the second temple of Capitoline Jupiter were not entirely unlike that of the first. The first temple, as I have said, was vowed by Tarquinius but consecrated by Horatius. This temple was destroyed during the civil wars.78 The second temple was built by Sulla but was dedicated, after Sulla’s death, by Catulus,79 whose name was inscribed on its front. This temple was also destroyed, in the turbulence associated with the reign of Vitellius.80 The third temple was begun and completed by Vespasian, who enjoyed good fortune in all his undertakings. Furthermore, he both lived to see his temple finished and died before seeing it destroyed, as that took place shortly after his death. In this respect, he was luckier even than Sulla,81 for Sulla did not live to see his temple consecrated, whereas Vespasian died before his met with destruction. This happened almost immediately after Vespasian’s death, when the Capitol was consumed by fire.82

  The present temple, the fourth, was completed and dedicated by Domitian.83 Now Tarquinius is reported to have spent 40,000 pounds of silver for the foundations of his temple.84 By contrast, the wealth of the richest man in Rome would not suffice to pay the cost just of the gilding on the modern temple, which ran to more than 12,000 talents. Its columns were hewn from Pentelic marble85 and, in thickness and height, were once perfectly proportioned, as I know for I saw them at Athens. In Rome, however, they were cut again, and smoothed, but they did not gain as much in polish as they lost in symmetrical beauty, and now they appear far too thin. If anyone, after being astounded at the enormous expense of Domitian’s rebuilding of the Capitol, also looked at even a single portico in his palace, or a single basilica or bath, or at the apartment for his concubines, he would recall what Epicharmus86 once said to a man who was unrestrainedly lavish:

  It is not generosity that stirs you but a disease;

  You extract pleasure simply from giving.

  He would then be moved to address Domitian along similar lines: ‘It is not piety or a passion for honour that stirs you, but a disease; you extract pleasure simply from building; like the notorious Midas,87 you wish that you could change everything into gold or marble.’ But that is enough on this topic.

  16. After the great battle in which his son fell in single combat with Brutus,88 Tarquinius took refuge in Clusium89 and sought help from Lars Porsenna, the most powerful of the kings in Italy, who was reputed to be a valiant man devoted to the pursuit of honour.90 Porsenna promised Tarquinius his aid. His first step was to send a delegation to Rome demanding Tarquinius’ restoration as king. When the Romans refused, Porsenna declared war, announced the time and the location of his invasion, and proceeded there with a large force. Publicola, although absent from the city, was elected consul for the second time, and Titus Lucretius was his colleague.91 Publicola then returned to Rome and, because he wanted to make it clear that his own confidence excelled that of Porsenna, he chose that moment to found the city of Signuria,92 even though his enemy was already very near. He first fortified the place at great expense and then sent 700 colonists to occupy it, all in order to show how unconcerned and unafraid he was in the matter of the war with Porsenna.93 However, during a vigorous assault on the Janiculum,94 Porsenna dislodged its defenders, who, in their flight, nearly brought the enemy into the city along with themselves. But Publicola came to their aid95 by charging out of the city gate and joining battle alongside the river. Although the enemy surged against him in great numbers, Publicola held out until he was grievously wounded and carried from the battle in a litter. When his colleague Lucretius suffered a similar injury, the Romans lost courage and fled for the city in an attempt to save themselves. By then the enemy had forced their way towards the wooden bridge over the Tiber96 and there was now a great risk that Rome would be captured. Horatius Cocles97 was the first to take a stand in defence of the bridge, and with him two of the city’s most illustrious men, Herminius and Larcius.98 Horatius was surnamed Cocles because he had lost an eye in combat.99 Other sources, however, record a different reason. Because his nose was sunken and very flat, there was nothing separating his eyes and his eyebrows ran together. Consequently, most people called him Cyclops,100 but they mispronounced the word and instead he was popularly known as Cocles. In any case, it was this man who stood before the bridge, warding off the enemy until his companions succeeded in cutting it down behind him. Then, although he was in full armour, he leapt into the river and swam to the other side, in spite of being wounded in the buttock by an Etruscan spear.101 Publicola was filled with admiration for Horatius’ valour and proposed that the Romans all bestow on him as much food and drink as they consume in a day,102 and that, later, he be granted as much land as he could plough in a day. They also erected a bronze statue of him in the temple of Vulcan in order to console him, by means of this honour, for the lameness he suffered on account of his wound.103

  17. Porsenna proceeded to lay siege to the city, and very soon the Romans were afflicted by famine. At that same time, another Etruscan army, independent of Porsenna’s,104 also invaded Roman territory. Publicola was now consul for the third time105 and he decided that the best way to defend the city from Porsenna was to remain watchful from within the walls. As for the other Etruscan army, Publicola sallied out in secret against it. This battle ended in the enemy’s being routed and losing 5,000 men.106

  The exploit of Mucius has been recorded in different versions by various authors.107 Here I must report the account I find most credible. Mucius was an excellent man, possessed of every virtue, and in war he was without a superior in valour. He devised a plan for assassinating Porsenna and therefore infiltrated his camp dressed as an Etruscan and speaking their language. For some time he milled around the tribunal where the king was sitting, but he could not distinguish Porsenna from the others who were sitting with him and was afraid to ask anyone to point him out. So he drew his sword and cut down the man in this group whom he thought most likely to be the king. He was seized at once. As he was being interrogated, a burning brazier was brought to Porsenna so that he could perform a sacrifice. At that moment, Mucius thrust his right hand over the fire and, although his flesh was burning, merely stood before Porsenna, gazing at him with a bold and resolute expression until the king, overcome by admiration, ordered his release and returned his sword, which he personally handed down to him from the tribunal. Mucius reached out with his left hand to take the sword. This is the reason, according to our sources, that he received the surname Scaevola, which means left-handed. Then Mucius said that, although he had overcome whatever fear Porsenna inspired, he was nonetheless vanquished by the king’s nobility and therefore out of gratitude would reveal what he could never have been forced to disclose: ‘Three hundred Romans, with the same mission as mine, are present in this camp and awaiting their opportunity. I was chosen by lot to make the first attempt on your life, but I am not distressed that I was foiled by chance and failed to kill a noble man who would make the Romans a far more fitting friend than enemy.’ Porsenna believed what Mucius told him and decided to come to terms, not so much, I think, because he was afraid of the 300 but because he admired the spirit and the courage of the Romans.108 Now, all authorities agree in describing this Mucius as Scaevola, with the exception of Athenodorus,109 the son of Sandon, who, in a work dedicated to Octavia, the sister of Caesar Augustus, says that he was also named Cordus.110

  18. Publicola came to the conclusion that Porsenna, although a redoubtable enemy, should be made into a friend and ally of Rome, and so proposed that the king act as arbitrator between himself and Tarquinius. Again and again he challenged Tarquinius to plead his cause, so certain was Publicola that he could demonstrate how Tarquinius was the most wicked of men and thus rightly overthrown. Tarquinius, however, responded harshly, insisting that he would accept no one as his judge, least of all Porsenna, who was now vacillating in his commitment to their alliance. This displeased Porsenna, who turned against Tarquinius.111 At the same time, Porsenna’s son, Aruns, who favoured the Roman cause, pleaded w
ith his father on their behalf. Consequently, Porsenna ended the war on condition that the Romans surrender any Etruscan territory they had captured, return their prisoners of war and take back their own deserters. To guarantee the terms of this treaty, the Romans handed over as hostages ten young men, all of them patricians, and the same number of virgins, one of whom was Valeria, a daughter of Publicola.

  19. Even as the terms of this treaty were still being carried out, Porsenna abandoned his warlike posture on account of his confidence in the Romans’ trustworthiness. At this time, the Roman girls who were his hostages went down to bathe at a place where a pool is formed by a bend in the river and the water is very still and placid. When they saw that they were unguarded, nor was anyone passing by or crossing the stream, they were seized by a desire to swim out into the full current and deep eddies of the river. Some writers tell us that one of them, named Cloelia, crossed on horseback, exhorting and encouraging the others as they swam. When, however, they had safely made their way to Publicola, he, far from giving them his admiration or approval, worried instead that Porsenna might think him untrustworthy because of this and consider the girls’ bold act proof of the Romans’ perfidy. Therefore he arrested them and returned them to Porsenna. The partisans of Tarquinius learned of this, however, and waited in ambush for the party that was leading the girls back. As the girls were being taken across the river, they attacked in superior numbers. Despite this, the Romans put up a fight, and Valeria, the daughter of Publicola, managed to make her way through the combatants and flee, thanks to the efforts of three servants who shoved their way through the melee and thus got Valeria to safety. The remaining girls, however, were trapped by the struggle and in great danger, when Aruns, Porsenna’s son, became aware of what was happening and rushed to save them. He drove away their enemies and rescued the Romans.

  The girls were led before Porsenna and he asked which of them had incited the others to attempt their escape. When he was told that it was the one named Cloelia, he gazed at her with a look that was at once beneficent and radiant. He commanded that one of his royal horses be brought out, magnificently caparisoned, which he then presented her as a gift. This is the evidence adduced by those authorities who claim that Cloelia and only Cloelia crossed the river on horseback, whereas others dispute this point and maintain that this present was simply the token by which the Etruscan king honoured the girl’s courageousness.112 An equestrian statue of her was set up on the Sacred Way113 as one heads towards the Palatine, though some insist that it is not a statue of Cloelia but of Valeria.114

  Thus was Porsenna reconciled with the Romans. He gave the city further proof of his magnanimity when he ordered the Etruscan troops, when they broke camp, to take nothing with them except their weapons, leaving the Romans an abundance of provisions as well as valuables of every description. This is why, down to our day, whenever the Romans conduct a sale of public goods, Porsenna’s are named as the first to be auctioned in honour and in perpetual remembrance of his generosity.115 A bronze statue116 of the man was also erected near the senate-house, an unadorned example of archaic craftsmanship.

  20. After these events, the Sabines invaded Roman territory and Marcus Valerius, Publicola’s brother, was elected consul along with Postumius Tubero.117 All the most important actions of this war were conducted with Publicola’s advice and cooperation,118 and the result was that Marcus won two great battles. In the second of these victories he did not lose even a single man, whereas he slew 13,000 of the enemy. As a mark of honour, in addition to his triumphs, a house was built at public expense for Marcus on the Palatine. In those days, the exterior doors of all houses opened inwards, in the direction of the rooms within, but the Romans constructed the outer door of Marcus’ house, and his alone, so that it opened outwards. By granting him this distinction, they believed, Marcus might always enjoy his portion of public honour.

  In the past, we are told, all Greek doors used to open outwards in this same way. That is an inference one can draw from comic dramas, in which any character wishing to exit a house beats on the inside of its door and makes a noise loud enough to be noticed by passers-by, who are then not taken by surprise when the doors open into the street and someone emerges.119

  21. In the following year Publicola was elected to his fourth consulship.120 At this time, it was feared that there would soon be war against a coalition of Sabines and Latins. The city was also in the grip of superstitious anxiety, introduced when all the pregnant women gave birth prematurely to babies who were deformed. Publicola, therefore, consulted the Sibylline Books121 and made propitiatory offerings to Dis.122 He also celebrated games that had been advised by the Delphic oracle.123 These acts improved the city’s morale and rendered its citizens hopeful of divine favour. Publicola then turned his attention to quelling such fears as are inspired by mortals, for the city’s enemies, it was obvious, were forming a powerful alliance and making formidable preparations for war.

  Now among the Sabines there was a certain Appius Clausus, a man whose riches made him influential, whose impressive physical strength and valour made him famous, but who above all was pre-eminent for his virtue and eloquence. Like all great men, Clausus was an object of envy. Consequently, when he opposed going to war, his detractors seized upon this as a pretext for accusing him of magnifying the power of the Romans as part of a plot to make himself tyrant and enslave his country. When he saw how the populace was disposed to believe these charges, and since he found himself so acutely at odds both with the war’s supporters and with the soldiers, he feared he would be brought to trial. Nevertheless, relying for protection on his extensive and powerful network of friends and kinsmen, Clausus persisted in his opposition. This caused the Sabines to delay initiating the war.

  As for Publicola, not only did he make it his business to stay well informed about these matters, he also worked hard stimulating and exacerbating the Sabines’ factiousness. He kept sending friends to Clausus to speak with him and convey sentiments like these: ‘Publicola believes that a man like you, who is righteous and just, should not use violence in defending himself against his fellow-citizens, even when he is being treated unjustly. But should you ever wish to guarantee your safety by fleeing those who hate you and emigrating, he will receive you with public and private honours that are worthy of your own virtue and the glory of Rome.’ Clausus reflected at length on this offer before deciding that, in consideration of his difficult circumstances, accepting it was his best course of action. So he summoned his friends to join him, and they in their turn persuaded many others to come along as well, with the result that he led to Rome 5,000 families with their wives and children. These were the most peaceable of the Sabines, devoted to leading gentle and untroubled lives, and Publicola, who knew beforehand that they were coming, graciously and enthusiastically welcomed them as full Roman citizens. He immediately incorporated these families into the Roman state, and to each he gave two square plethra124 of land along the River Anio.125 To Clausus he gave 25 square plethra126 of land and enrolled him in the senate, where he conducted himself so wisely that he quickly rose to the highest rank and acquired great influence.127 This man is the ancestor of the Claudian family, the glory of which remains uneclipsed in Rome.128

  22. The emigration of Clausus and his followers brought an end to the Sabines’ political divisions. Nevertheless, the immigrants were not left alone to settle down in peace. Instead, Sabine demagogues complained that Clausus, now that he was an exile and an enemy, would still bring to pass the very thing he had not been able to persuade the Sabines of while he was still one of them, namely, that the Romans should not be punished for their outrages. And so the Sabines set out with a great army and pitched their camp near Fidenae.129 A force of 2,000 infantry was assigned to lie in wait as an ambuscade in a wooded ravine not far from Rome. It was their intention to send out at daybreak a small detachment of their cavalry, who would make a show of plundering the Romans’ livestock. They had been given orders that, wheneve
r they drew near the city, they should then withdraw little by little until they lured the enemy into the ambuscade. On that very day, however, Publicola learned of this plan from deserters, and in order to make provisions to counter it he immediately divided his army. While it was still evening, Postumius Albus, Publicola’s son-on-law,130 set out with 3,000 soldiers and occupied the hills below which the Sabines were lying in ambush. There they kept watch on the enemy. Lucretius, Publicola’s fellow-consul, remained in the city in command of men who were lightly armed and very young. Their assignment was to attack the enemy cavalry while it was plundering the countryside. As for Publicola himself, he took the rest of the army and encircled the enemy’s camp. It just so happened that, at the dawn of the next day, there was a thick fog under the cover of which – all at the same moment – Postumius, with a great cry, fell upon the ambuscade from the heights above, while Lucretius launched his men against the cavalry as it rode near the city and Publicola attacked the enemy in its encampment. On every front the Sabines were routed and slaughtered. None of the enemy stood his ground. Instead, they fled straight away and the Romans slew them. It was their very hope of survival that proved most lethal to them. For neither of the army’s divisions, because each believed that the other was safe, made any attempt to stay and fight. The men who were encamped rushed towards the ambuscade, while those who had been lying in ambush raced for the protection of their comrades in the camp. As a result, fugitive met fugitive and desperate men in want of help encountered desperate men seeking help from them. The only reason the Sabines did not perish altogether is that a few managed to make it to the nearby city of Fidenae, especially those who escaped from the camp when it was captured. Any who failed to reach Fidenae, however, were either killed or taken prisoner.131