36s.; which, computing the number of ships and men used in the coal

  trade, and of voyages made, at eight hands to a vessel, does,

  modestly accounting, make 89,600 pounds difference in one year in

  wages to seamen in the coal trade only.

  For other voyages the difference of sailors' wages is 50s, per month

  and 55s. per month to foremast-men, who before went for 26s. per

  month; besides subjecting the merchant to the insolence of the

  seamen, who are not now to be pleased with any provisions, will

  admit no half-pay, and command of the captains even what they

  please; nay, the king himself can hardly please them.

  For cure of these inconveniences it is the following project is

  proposed, with which the seamen can have no reason to be

  dissatisfied, nor are not at all injured; and yet the damage

  sustained will be prevented, and an immense sum of money spared,

  which is now squandered away by the profuseness and luxury of the

  seamen. For if prodigality weakens the public wealth of the kingdom

  in general, then are the seamen but ill commonwealths-men, who are

  not visibly the richer for the prodigious sums of money paid them

  either by the king or the merchant.

  The project is this: that by an Act of Parliament an office or

  court be erected, within the jurisdiction of the Court of Admiralty,

  and subject to the Lord High Admiral, or otherwise independent, and

  subject only to a parliamentary authority, as the commission for

  taking and stating the public accounts.

  In this court or office, or the several branches of it (which, to

  that end, shall be subdivided and placed in every sea-port in the

  kingdom), shall be listed and entered into immediate pay all the

  seamen in the kingdom, who shall be divided into colleges or

  chambers of sundry degrees, suitable to their several capacities,

  with pay in proportion to their qualities; as boys, youths,

  servants, men able and raw, midshipmen, officers, pilots, old men,

  and pensioners.

  The circumstantials of this office:

  1. No captain or master of any ship or vessel should dare to hire

  or carry to sea with him any seamen but such as he shall receive

  from the office aforesaid.

  2. No man whatsoever, seaman or other, but applying himself to the

  said office to be employed as a sailor, should immediately enter

  into pay, and receive for every able seaman 24s. per month, and

  juniors in proportion; to receive half-pay while unemployed, and

  liberty to work for themselves: only to be at call of the office,

  and leave an account where to be found.

  3. No sailor could desert, because no employment would be to be had

  elsewhere.

  4. All ships at their clearing at the Custom House should receive a

  ticket to the office for men, where would be always choice rather

  than scarcity, who should be delivered over by the office to the

  captain or master without any trouble or delay; all liberty of

  choice to be allowed both to master and men, only so as to give up

  all disputes to the officers appointed to decide.

  Note.--By this would be avoided the great charge captains and owners

  are at to keep men on board before they are ready to go; whereas now

  the care of getting men will be over, and all come on board in one

  day: for, the captain carrying the ticket to the office, he may go

  and choose his men if he will; otherwise they will be sent on board

  to him, by tickets sent to their dwellings to repair on board such a

  ship.

  5. For all these men that the captain or master of the ship takes

  he shall pay the office, not the seamen, 28s. per month (which 4s.

  per month overplus of wages will be employed to pay the half-pay to

  the men out of employ), and so in proportion of wages for juniors.

  6. All disputes concerning the mutinying of mariners, or other

  matters of debate between the captains and men, to be tried by way

  of appeal in a court for that purpose to be erected, as aforesaid.

  7. All discounting of wages and time, all damages of goods,

  averages, stopping of pay, and the like, to be adjusted by stated

  and public rules and laws in print, established by the same Act of

  Parliament, by which means all litigious suits in the Court of

  Admiralty (which are infinite) would be prevented.

  8. No ship that is permitted to enter at the Custom House and take

  in goods should ever be refused men, or delayed in the delivering

  them above five days after a demand made and a ticket from the

  Custom House delivered (general cases, as arrests and embargoes,

  excepted).

  The Consequences of this Method.

  1. By this means the public would have no want of seamen, and all

  the charges and other inconveniences of pressing men would be

  prevented.

  2. The intolerable oppression upon trade, from the exorbitance of

  wages and insolence of mariners, would be taken off.

  3. The following sums of money should be paid to the office, to lie

  in bank as a public fund for the service of the nation, to be

  disposed of by order of Parliament, and not otherwise; a committee

  being a ways substituted in the intervals of the session to audit

  the accounts, and a treasury for the money, to be composed of

  members of the House, and to be changed every session of Parliament:

  (1). Four shillings per month wages advanced by the merchants to

  the office for the men, more than the office pays them.

  (2). In consideration of the reducing men's wages, and consequently

  freights, to the former prices (or near them), the owners of ships

  or merchants shall pay at the importation of all goods forty

  shillings per ton freight, to be stated upon all goods and ports in

  proportion; reckoning it on wine tonnage from Canaries as the

  standard, and on special freights in proportion to the freight

  formerly paid, and half the said price in times of peace.

  Note.--This may well be done, and no burden; for if freights are

  reduced to their former prices (or near it), as they will be if

  wages are so too, then the merchant may well pay it: as, for

  instance, freight from Jamaica to London, formerly at 6 pounds 10s.

  per ton, now at 18 pounds and 20 pounds; from Virginia, at 5 pounds

  to 6 pounds 10s., now at 14 pounds, 16 pounds, and 17 pounds; from

  Barbadoes, at 6 pounds, now at 16 pounds; from Oporto, at 2 pounds,

  now at 6 pounds; and the like.

  The payment of the above-said sums being a large bank for a fund,

  and it being supposed to be in fair hands and currently managed, the

  merchants shall further pay upon all goods shipped out, and shipped

  on board from abroad, for and from any port of this kingdom, 4

  pounds per cent. on the real value, bona fide; to be sworn to if

  demanded. In consideration whereof the said office shall be obliged

  to pay and make good all losses, damages, averages, and casualties

  whatsoever, as fully as by the custom of assurances now is done,

  without any discounts, rebates, or delays whatsoever; the said 4

  pounds per cent. to be stated on the voyage to the Barbadoes, and

  enlarged or ta
ken off, in proportion to the voyage, by rules and

  laws to be printed and publicly known.

  Reserving only, that then, as reason good, the said office shall

  have power to direct ships of all sorts, how and in what manner, and

  how long they shall sail with or wait for convoys; and shall have

  power (with limitations) to lay embargoes on ships, in order to

  compose fleets for the benefit of convoys.

  These rules, formerly noted, to extend to all trading by sea, the

  coasting and home-fishing trade excepted; and for them it should be

  ordered -

  First, for coals; the colliers being provided with men at 28s. per

  month, and convoys in sufficient number, and proper stations from

  Tynemouth Bar to the river, so as they need not go in fleets, but as

  wind and weather presents, run all the way under the protection of

  the men-of-war, who should be continually cruising from station to

  station, they would be able to perform their voyage, in as short

  time as formerly, and at as cheap pay, and consequently could afford

  to sell their coals at 17s. per chaldron, as well as formerly at

  15s.

  Wherefore there should be paid into the treasury appointed at

  Newcastle, by bond to be paid where they deliver, 10s. per chaldron,

  Newcastle measure; and the stated price at London to be 27s. per

  chaldron in the Pool, which is 30s. at the buyer's house; and is so

  far from being dear, a time of war especially, as it is cheaper than

  ever was known in a war; and the officers should by proclamation

  confine the seller to that price.

  In consideration also of the charge of convoys, the ships bringing

  coals shall all pay 1 pound per cent. on the value of the ship, to

  be agreed on at the office; and all convoy-money exacted by

  commanders of ships shall be relinquished, and the office to make

  good all losses of ships, not goods, that shall be lost by enemies

  only.

  These heads, indeed, are such as would need some explication, if the

  experiment were to be made; and, with submission, would reduce the

  seamen to better circumstances; at least, it would have them in

  readiness for any public service much easier than by all the late

  methods of encouragement by registering seamen, &c.

  For by this method all the seamen in the kingdom should be the

  king's hired servants, and receive their wages from him, whoever

  employed them; and no man could hire or employ them but from him.

  The merchant should hire them of the king, and pay the king for

  them; nor would there be a seaman in England out of employ--which,

  by the way, would prevent their seeking service abroad. If they

  were not actually at sea they would receive half-pay, and might be

  employed in works about the yards, stores, and navy, to keep all

  things in repair.

  If a fleet or squadron was to be fitted out they would be manned in

  a week's time, for all the seamen in England would be ready. Nor

  would they be shy of the service; for it is not an aversion to the

  king's service, nor it is not that the duty is harder in the men-of-

  war than the merchant-men, nor it is not fear of danger which makes

  our seamen lurk and hide and hang back in a time of war, but it is

  wages is the matter: 24s. per month in the king's service, and 40s.

  to 50s. per month from the merchant, is the true cause; and the

  seaman is in the right of it, too; for who would serve his king and

  country, and fight, and be knocked on the head at 24s. per month

  that can have 50s. without that hazard? And till this be remedied,

  in vain are all the encouragements which can be given to seamen; for

  they tend but to make them insolent, and encourage their

  extravagance.

  Nor would this proceeding be any damage to the seamen in general;

  for 24s. per month wages, and to be kept in constant service (or

  half-pay when idle), is really better to the seaman than 45s. per

  month, as they now take it, considering how long they often lie idle

  on shore out of pay; for the extravagant price of seamen's wages,

  though it has been an intolerable burden to trade, has not visibly

  enriched the sailors, and they may as well be content with 24s. per

  month now as formerly.

  On the other hand, trade would be sensibly revived by it, the

  intolerable price of freights would be reduced, and the public would

  reap an immense benefit by the payments mentioned in the proposal;

  as -

  1. 4s. per month upon the wages of all the seamen employed by the

  merchant (which if we allow 200,000 seamen always in employ, as

  there cannot be less in all the ships belonging to England) is

  40,000 pounds per month.

  2. 40s. per ton freight upon all goods imported.

  3. 4 per cent. on the value of all goods exported or imported.

  4. 10s. per chaldron upon all the coals shipped at Newcastle, and 1

  per cent. on the ships which carry them.

  What these four articles would pay to the Exchequer yearly it would

  be very difficult to calculate, and I am too near the end of this

  book to attempt it: but I believe no tax ever given since this war

  has come near it.

  It is true, out of this the public would be to pay half-pay to the

  seamen who shall be out of employ, and all the losses, and damages

  on goods and ships; which, though it might be considerable, would be

  small, compared to the payment aforesaid: for as the premium of 4

  per cent. is but small, so the safety lies upon all men being bound

  to insure. For I believe any one will grant me this: it is not the

  smallness of a premium ruins the insurer, but it is the smallness of

  the quantity he insures; and I am not at all ashamed to affirm that,

  let but a premium of 4 pounds per cent. be paid into one man's hand

  for all goods imported and exported, and any man may be the general

  insurer of the kingdom, and yet that premium can never hurt the

  merchant either.

  So that the vast revenue this would raise would be felt nowhere:

  neither poor nor rich would pay the more for coals; foreign goods

  would be brought home cheaper, and our own goods carried to market

  cheaper; owners would get more by ships, merchants by goods; and

  losses by sea would be no loss at all to anybody, because repaid by

  the public stock.

  Another unseen advantage would arise by it: we should be able to

  outwork all our neighbours, even the Dutch themselves, by sailing as

  cheap and carrying goods as cheap in a time of war as in peace--an

  advantage which has more in it than is easily thought of, and would

  have a noble influence upon all our foreign trade. For what could

  the Dutch do in trade if we could carry our goods to Cadiz at 50s.

  per ton freight, and they give 8 pounds or 10 pounds and the like in

  other places? Whereby we could be able to sell cheaper or get more

  than our neighbours.

  There are several considerable clauses might be added to this

  proposal (some of great advantage to the general trade of the

  kingdom, some to particular trades, and more to the public), but I

  avoid being too particular in th
ings which are but the product of my

  own private opinion.

  If the Government should ever proceed to the experiment, no question

  but much more than has been hinted at would appear; nor do I see any

  great difficulty in the attempt, or who would be aggrieved at it;

  and there I leave it, rather wishing than expecting to see it

  undertaken.

  THE CONCLUSION.

  Upon a review of the several chapters of this book I find that,

  instead of being able to go further, some things may have suffered

  for want of being fully expressed; which if any person object

  against, I only say, I cannot now avoid it. I have endeavoured to

  keep to my title, and offered but an essay; which any one is at

  liberty to go on with as they please, for I can promise no

  supplement. As to errors of opinion, though I am not yet convinced

  of any, yet I nowhere pretend to infallibility. However, I do not

  willingly assert anything which I have not good grounds for. If I

  am mistaken, let him that finds the error inform the world better,

  and never trouble himself to animadvert upon this, since I assure

  him I shall not enter into any pen-and-ink contest on the matter.

  As to objections which may lie against any of the proposals made in

  this book, I have in some places mentioned such as occurred to my

  thoughts. I shall never assume that arrogance to pretend no other

  or further objections may be raised; but I do really believe no such

  objection can be raised as will overthrow any scheme here laid down

  so as to render the thing impracticable. Neither do I think but

  that all men will acknowledge most of the proposals in this book

  would be of as great, and perhaps greater, advantage to the public

  than I have pretended to.

  As for such who read books only to find out the author's faux pas,

  who will quarrel at the meanness of style, errors of pointing,

  dulness of expression, or the like, I have but little to say to

  them. I thought I had corrected it very carefully, and yet some

  mispointings and small errors have slipped me, which it is too late

  to help. As to language, I have been rather careful to make it

  speak English suitable to the manner of the story than to dress it

  up with exactness of style, choosing rather to have it free and

  familiar, according to the nature of essays, than to strain at a

  perfection of language which I rather wish for than pretend to be

  master of.

  End of the Project Gutenberg eText An Essay on Projects

 


 

  Daniel Defoe, An Essay Upon Projects

  (Series: # )

 

 


 

 
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