“It seems reckless,” I said. “He knew the FBI was watching, particularly if your father was charged with finding their spies.”
“Certainly by January 1965, after that package arrived at his house, King knew the FBI was watching. Only the FBI had the resources to gather those recordings. King hated Hoover for sending those, so he asked my father to look into things. He told me they found three spies. One was even the treasurer of the SCLC, which came as a shock.”
I reached for one of the fried shrimps. “Was anything done about it?”
“He didn’t tell me. I have no idea. I was hoping Valdez and what he had might answer those questions.”
“You had no inkling that this involved the assassination when you made the deal.”
“Not until I talked to Valdez. I was at my father’s house when he first called. I listened in to my father’s side of the conversation, without him knowing, and heard enough to realize there was a connection. I was able to get a detective I know to pull my father’s phone records. Illegal as hell, but I could feel something was wrong. I found the Double Eagle in my father’s bedroom, hidden in a jewelry box. Then I called Valdez back and made my own deal.”
“What did he tell you?”
“Enough for me to go to the Dry Tortugas. He also warned me that the FBI could be a problem and not to trust any of them. He mentioned no names. He just told me to keep it all to myself and proceed with caution. He would explain more when we met.”
Which had not happened. “What about what we read?”
“That’s what’s eating at me. My father told me that after the package of tapes came to King’s house, things actually cooled off between King and the FBI. During ’65 and ’66 the FBI kept up its smear campaign, but they were much more subtle. No more in-your-face dirty tricks. Then in April 1967 King came out against the Vietnam War and everything boiled over again. King was also planning a huge Poor People’s March on Washington, DC, for the summer of ’69. Hoover was petrified of that happening. I read in several books how he wanted new wiretaps, but the attorney general turned him down.”
I connected the dots. “The dates of the memos we read about Ray’s recruitment started in July 1967.”
She nodded. “The timing is right. We know now that during 1967 Hoover simply ignored the attorney general and wiretapped King on his own, with no authority. But what if he did even more beyond that?”
Indeed. What if?
“I know from Nate that the King family is convinced James Earl Ray didn’t kill anybody. They think the FBI, or the CIA, or the military pulled the trigger.”
Which was exactly what the Jowers jury in Memphis had ruled last year, finding that Ray fired the shot, but the government itself had been part of an active conspiracy to kill Martin Luther King Jr. Of course, that outcome had been predetermined and manipulated by the trial’s participants. The pages we’d read earlier, though, were another matter. The FBI had clearly been on the lookout for someone special. An asset. And they found what they were looking for in Montreal, eventually sending him to Alabama, then to Mexico, and on to Los Angeles.
“You told me Ray was in L.A. at the end of 1967,” I said.
She nodded. “Still posing as Eric S. Galt. I need to read the rest of the documents in those files. I know a lot about this. I can place them in a historical context for you.”
“Not tonight,” I said. “We’re going to eat our dinner, then get some sleep. There’s a motel next door that doesn’t look busy. We should be able to get a couple of rooms.”
“Then what?”
“We’ll deal with this in the morning.”
* * *
Two rooms were available and I paid for them with the government credit card. I had no choice. My cash was limited and I might need it on the road. If she hadn’t before, Stephanie Nelle would now know exactly where I was located. I hoped she’d be true to her word and give me my one day, as promised.
In my room I undressed and took a shower, locking and barricading the room door. The waterproof case came with me into the bathroom, never leaving my sight.
But all remained quiet.
Coleen was a few doors down the hall.
The clock beside the bed read 11:40 P.M.
I lay on the bed in my boxers and stared at the container. The Double Eagle sat beside Oliver’s gun on the nightstand. I was tired, but I was also curious. Many times I’d used my eidetic memory to recall word for word what a witness had said during a trial. It also allowed every detail of my prep file to stay right at the edge of my thoughts, available for use in an instant. I’d grown accustomed to an abundance of information.
Time to add some more.
I opened the container.
And read.
There were more memos between Jansen and his boss, then replies, all geared toward the pre–April 4, 1968, activities of Eric S. Galt. There were details of a March 29 trip to Birmingham where Galt bought a Remington .243-caliber rifle with a scope, along with ammunition, signing the sales slip Harvey Lowmeyer. He paid the $248.59 bill in cash. In those days nothing was required to buy a weapon, not even identification. The so-called point of contact operative had been in Birmingham and examined the rifle, determining that it was not powerful enough. So Galt returned to the store the next day and exchanged it for a Gamemaster .30-06 with a scope. One of the memos noted that the scope allowed for 7x magnification of the target and provided a wide field of view. A magnesium fluoride coating enabled shots to be taken in low light, even in the late dusk. The second rifle was more expensive and Galt paid the difference in cash.
I counted the photographic images in the files.
245.
And as fascinating and eye opening as most of the pages were, there were a few that genuinely shocked me.
CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVEN
July 28, 1967
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Internal Security-C
For CIP Supervisor Only
A confidential source who has furnished reliable information in the past reports a private conversation with MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. The topic was the ongoing racial riots in Detroit. At present the toll from that riot is 43 dead, 1,189 injured, over 7,200 arrests, and more than 2,000 buildings destroyed. KING blamed the situation on Congress, who has consistently refused to vote a halt to, as he described, “the destruction of the lives of Negroes in the ghetto.” He equated the ongoing violence in terms of race saying that “white affluence amid black poverty will never lead to racial harmony.” He pointed out that Negroes know that a society able to plan intercontinental war and interplanetary travel is able to plan a place for them. For Congress and white society in general to do little or nothing is as inflammatory as inciting a riot, so the current state of violence should not be any surprise.
August 11, 1967
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Internal Security-C
For CIP Supervisor Only
A confidential source who has furnished reliable information in the past reports a private conversation that occurred at the Fairmont Hotel, San Francisco, California, between MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR. and RALPH ABERNATHY.
KING discussed the American Negro’s present situation and stated that there has never been any real commitment by white people concerning “black equality.” He emphasized that racial injustice is the “black man’s burden and the white man’s shame.” Riots are the natural result of intolerable conditions. Another cause of riots, in KING’S opinion, is Congress, which he considers hypercritical and insensitive. He blames legislatures across the country (and especially Congress) for failing to pass fair housing bills; labor unions for keeping Negroes out of unions; and the white clergy for remaining silent. He warned they should all be careful as “a destructive minority can destroy the majority.”
He also spoke about President JOHNSON, who he says is more interested in winning the war in Vietnam than winning the war on poverty. He stated that Congress is more concerned with rats tha
n Negroes since it at least proposed a bill (which failed to pass) that would have provided aid to inner-city rat infestations, while doing absolutely nothing about fair housing for Negroes.
August 14, 1967
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Internal Security-C
For CIP Supervisor Only
A confidential source who has furnished reliable information in the past reports that MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. has been suffering for the past few weeks from a growing mental depression. The July racial riots in Detroit and Newark weigh heavy on his mind. His diminished mental state has been aggravated by physical exhaustion, the result of nearly constant traveling over the past decade.
KING was not comforted by the fact, as was pointed out to him, that the vast majority of blacks in Detroit and Newark did not participate in the rioting, perhaps demonstrating the effectiveness of his policy on nonviolence. The source reported that KING has stayed quiet and subdued since July, speaking more about the Vietnam War than usual. The source stated that the war, to KING, was now more serious than anything else in the world. He deplores the war for wasting national resources and unnecessarily destroying lives and society. In his opinion the conflict has isolated the United States morally and politically and scarred the image of the nation. Even worse, it has directed attention away from civil rights. KING stated emphatically that attention must be drawn back to civil rights.
The source reported that KING remains concerned about the FBI and Hoover. He knows they are still watching him but hopes that things stay relatively civil. He feels that his relationship with the president, though troubled, is enough to ensure that Hoover will be kept under control. Attorney General RAMSEY CLARK is regarded by KING as both a personal friend and a friend to the entire civil rights movement.
August 25, 1967
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Internal Security-C
TO ALL FIELD OFFICES ONLY
The purpose of this new counter-intelligence endeavor program (COINTELPRO) directed at black nationalist-hate groups is to expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit, or otherwise neutralize the activities of black nationalist hate-type organizations and groupings, their leadership, spokesmen, membership, and supporters, and to counter their propensity for violence and civil disorder.
The activities of all such groups of intelligence interest to the Bureau must be followed on a continuous basis so we will be in a position to promptly take advantage of all opportunities for counterintelligence and inspire action in instances where circumstances warrant. The pernicious background of such groups, their duplicity, and devious maneuvers must be exposed to public scrutiny where such publicity will have a neutralizing effect. Efforts of the various groups to consolidate their forces or to recruit new or youthful adherents must be frustrated.
NO OPPORTUNITY SHOULD BE MISSED TO EXPLOIT THROUGH COUNTER-INTELLIGENCE TECHNIQUES THE ORGANIZATIONAL AND PERSONAL CONFLICTS OF THE LEADERSHIPS OF THE GROUPS AND WHERE POSSIBLE AN EFFORT SHOULD BE MADE TO CAPITALIZE UPON EXISTING CONFLICTS BETWEEN COMPETING BLACK NATIONALIST ORGANIZATIONS.
When an opportunity is apparent to disrupt or NEUTRALIZE black nationalist, hate-type organizations through the cooperation of established local news media contacts or through such contact with sources available to the Director’s Office, in every instance careful attention must be given to the proposal to insure the targeted group is disrupted, ridiculed, or discredited through the publicity and not merely publicized.
You are also cautioned that the nature of this new endeavor is such that UNDER NO CIRCUMSTANCES SHOULD THE EXISTENCE OF THE PROGRAM BE MADE KNOWN OUTSIDE THE BUREAU and appropriate within-office security should be afforded to sensitive operations and techniques considered under the program. No counterintelligence action under this program may be initiated by the field without specific prior Bureau authorization.
March 4, 1968
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Internal Security-C
TO ALL FIELD OFFICES ONLY
For maximum effectiveness of COINTELPRO, and to prevent wasted effort, long-range goals are being set:
1. Prevent the coalition of militant black nationalist groups. In unity there is strength, a truism that is no less valid for all its triteness. An effective coalition of black nationalist groups might be the first step toward a real “Mau Mau” [Black revolutionary army] in America, the beginning of a true black revolution;
2. Prevent the rise of a “messiah” who could unify and electrify the militant black nationalist movement. MALCOLM X might have been such a “messiah;” he is the martyr of the movement today. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR., STOKELY CARMICHAEL and ELIJAH MUHAMMED all aspire to this position. ELIJAH MUHAMMED is less of a threat because of his age. KING could be a very real contender for this position should he abandon his supposed “obedience” to “white, liberal doctrines” (non-violence) and embrace black nationalism. CARMICHAEL has the necessary charisma to be a real threat in this way;
3. Prevent violence on the part of black nationalist groups. This is of primary importance, and is, of course, a goal of our investigative activity. It should also be a goal of the COINTELPRO to pinpoint potential troublemakers and neutralize them before they exercise their potential for violence;
4. Prevent militant black nationalist groups and leaders from gaining respectability, by discrediting them to three separate segments of the community. The goal of discrediting black nationalists must be handled tactically in three ways. You must discredit those groups and individuals to, first, the responsible Negro community. Second, they must be discredited to the white community, both the responsible community and to “liberals” who have vestiges of sympathy for militant black nationalists simply because they are Negroes. Third, these groups must be discredited in the eyes of Negro radicals, the followers of the movement. This last area requires entirely different tactics from the first two. Publicity about violent tendencies and radical statements merely enhances black nationalists to the last group. It adds “respectability” in a different way.
5. A final goal should be to prevent the long-range growth of militant black organizations, especially among youth. Specific tactics to prevent these groups from converting young people must be developed.
The primary targets of COINTELPRO should be the most violent and radical groups and their leaders. We should emphasize those leaders and organizations that are nationwide in scope and are most capable of disrupting this country. These groups include:
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC)
Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM)
Nation of Islam (NOI)
Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC)
The specific leaders to be targeted include:
STOKELY CARMICHAEL OF SNCC
H. RAP BROWN OF SNCC
ELIJAH MUHAMMED OF NOI
MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. OF SCLC
CHAPTER TWENTY-EIGHT
Morning brought clear air and birds bickering outside the window. Daylight streamed into the hotel room, the sky clear and blue, the events of yesterday still fresh in my mind.
After reading everything from the waterproof case, I’d lain in bed for a couple of hours fighting a fool’s sleep. Twice I found myself wide awake, nowhere near the murky borderlands of dreams. But eventually I managed a few hours of fitful rest.
I rose from the bed a little before 8:00 A.M. and flexed my shoulders to relieve the early stiffness. In the bathroom I doused cold water against the sleepy numbness on my face. A shave would be great, but I had no razor or shaving cream. A toothbrush and toothpaste would be even more welcome. I called housekeeping and asked for all four, which were delivered a few minutes later. I dressed and was ready for something to eat when a hard knock sounded on the door.
“Malone. Open up.”
Coleen.
I did.
She burst in. “We have company.”
We both bolted to the window, which
overlooked from the second floor the back side of the building facing the river and the dock where we’d left the boat last night. A warm, rosy flush of sunrise lit the ground. Cruising out in the river was a familiar inflatable. Probably the same one from last night, only now patched.
Three guys were inside.
One face I knew.
“The man in front is Valdez.”
Who did not looked pleased.
“He has no fear coming ashore,” I noted. “That means Oliver and friends are looking out for him.”
“How in the world did he find us?”
She had a point. There were too many places where we could have beached the boat for these guys to come straight here to lovely Stuart, Florida, the Sailfish Capital of the World, as the sign at the dock proclaimed.
Only one explanation made sense.
A leak on Stephanie Nelle’s end that made its way to Tom Oliver.
The inflatable eased close to one of the docks.
The three men hopped ashore.
I gathered up the case and the gun. The Double Eagle was tucked safe in my pant pocket. Strange how carrying around a multimillion-dollar coin was becoming an everyday thing. I almost regretted not taking Stephanie up on her offer of help.
We fled the room and found the stairwell, descending to ground level, and exiting into a humid morning. We were standing in a small parking lot on the far side of the building.
I had an idea.
“Our boat is the only way out of here,” I told her. “We need to get around this building and make it there while they’re looking for us.”
We headed for the street, avoiding the side of the hotel that faced the water. I’m not sure what Valdez planned to do, but I had to assume that it wasn’t going to be good. My guess was that whoever sold us out to Tom Oliver had also learned our specific room numbers. Once again, the decision had apparently been made to let Valdez clean up the mess. Thank goodness Coleen had been vigilant—a trait I should learn to mimic.