CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE FIRST THUNDERBOLT.
It was not till after Mr. Slide had left him that Phineas wrote thefollowing letter to Lady Laura:--
House of Commons, 1st March, 18--.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
I have a long story to tell, which I fear I shall find difficult in the telling; but it is so necessary that you should know the facts that I must go through with it as best I may. It will give you very great pain; but the result as regards your own position will not I think be injurious to you.
Yesterday, Sunday, a man came to me who edits a newspaper, and whom I once knew. You will remember when I used to tell you in Portman Square of the amenities and angers of Mr. Slide,--the man who wanted to sit for Loughton. He is the editor. He brought me a long letter from Mr. Kennedy himself, intended for publication, and which was already printed, giving an elaborate and, I may say, a most cruelly untrue account of your quarrel. I read the letter, but of course cannot remember the words. Nor if I could remember them should I repeat them. They contained all the old charges with which you are familiar, and which your unfortunate husband now desired to publish in consummation of his threats. Why Mr. Slide should have brought me the paper before publishing it I can hardly understand. But he did so;--and told me that Mr. Kennedy was in town. We have managed among us to obtain a legal warrant for preventing the publication of the letter, and I think I may say that it will not see the light.
When Mr. Slide left me I called on Mr. Kennedy, whom I found in a miserable little hotel, in Judd Street, kept by Scotch people named Macpherson. They had come from the neighbourhood of Loughlinter, and knew Mr. Kennedy well. This was yesterday afternoon, Sunday, and I found some difficulty in making my way into his presence. My object was to induce him to withdraw the letter;--for at that time I doubted whether the law could interfere quickly enough to prevent the publication.
I found your husband in a very sad condition. What he said or what I said I forget; but he was as usual intensely anxious that you should return to him. I need not hesitate now to say that he is certainly mad. After a while, when I expressed my assured opinion that you would not go back to Loughlinter, he suddenly turned round, grasped a revolver, and fired at my head. How I got out of the room I don't quite remember. Had he repeated the shot, which he might have done over and over again, he must have hit me. As it was I escaped, and blundered down the stairs to Mrs. Macpherson's room.
They whom I have consulted in the matter, namely, Barrington Erle and my particular friend, Mr. Low,--to whom I went for legal assistance in stopping the publication,--seem to think that I should have at once sent for the police, and given Mr. Kennedy in charge. But I did not do so, and hitherto the police have, I believe, no knowledge of what occurred. A paragraph appeared in one of the morning papers to-day, giving almost an accurate account of the matter, but mentioning neither the place nor any of the names. No doubt it will be repeated in all the papers, and the names will soon be known. But the result will be simply a general conviction as to the insanity of poor Mr. Kennedy,--as to which they who know him have had for a long time but little doubt.
The Macphersons seem to have been very anxious to screen their guest. At any other hotel no doubt the landlord would have sent for the police;--but in this case the attempt was kept quite secret. They did send for George Kennedy, a cousin of your husband's, whom I think you know, and whom I saw this morning. He assures me that Robert Kennedy is quite aware of the wickedness of the attempt he made, and that he is plunged in deep remorse. He is to be taken down to Loughlinter to-morrow, and is,--so says his cousin,--as tractable as a child. What George Kennedy means to do, I cannot say; but for myself, as I did not send for the police at the moment, as I am told I ought to have done, I shall now do nothing. I don't know that a man is subject to punishment because he does not make complaint. I suppose I have a right to regard it all as an accident if I please.
But for you this must be very important. That Mr. Kennedy is insane there cannot now, I think, be a doubt; and therefore the question of your returning to him,--as far as there has been any question,--is absolutely settled. None of your friends would be justified in allowing you to return. He is undoubtedly mad, and has done an act which is not murderous only on that conclusion. This settles the question so perfectly that you could, no doubt, reside in England now without danger. Mr. Kennedy himself would feel that he could take no steps to enforce your return after what he did yesterday. Indeed, if you could bring yourself to face the publicity, you could, I imagine, obtain a legal separation which would give you again the control of your own fortune. I feel myself bound to mention this; but I give you no advice. You will no doubt explain all the circumstances to your father.
I think I have now told you everything that I need tell you. The thing only happened yesterday, and I have been all the morning busy, getting the injunction, and seeing Mr. George Kennedy. Just before I began this letter that horrible editor was with me again, threatening me with all the penalties which an editor can inflict. To tell the truth, I do feel confused among them all, and still fancy that I hear the click of the pistol. That newspaper paragraph says that the ball went through my whiskers, which was certainly not the case;--but a foot or two off is quite near enough for a pistol ball.
The Duke of Omnium is dying, and I have heard to-day that Madame Goesler, our old friend, has been sent for to Matching. She and I renewed our acquaintance the other day at Harrington.
God bless you.
Your most sincere friend,
PHINEAS FINN.
Do not let my news oppress you. The firing of the pistol is a thing done and over without evil results. The state of Mr. Kennedy's mind is what we have long suspected; and, melancholy though it be, should contain for you at any rate this consolation,--that the accusations made against you would not have been made had his mind been unclouded.
Twice while Finn was writing this letter was he rung into the Housefor a division, and once it was suggested to him to say a few wordsof angry opposition to the Government on some not important subjectunder discussion. Since the beginning of the Session hardly a nighthad passed without some verbal sparring, and very frequently thelimits of parliamentary decorum had been almost surpassed. Neverwithin the memory of living politicians had political rancour been sosharp, and the feeling of injury so keen, both on the one side and onthe other. The taunts thrown at the Conservatives, in reference tothe Church, had been almost unendurable,--and the more so because thestrong expressions of feeling from their own party throughout thecountry were against them. Their own convictions also were againstthem. And there had for a while been almost a determination throughthe party to deny their leader and disclaim the bill. But a feelingof duty to the party had prevailed, and this had not been done. Ithad not been done; but the not doing of it was a sore burden on thehalf-broken shoulders of many a man who sat gloomily on the benchesbehind Mr. Daubeny. Men goaded as they were, by their opponents,by their natural friends, and by their own consciences, could notbear it in silence, and very bitter things were said in return. Mr.Gresham was accused of a degrading lust for power. No other feelingcould prompt him to oppose with a factious acrimony never beforeexhibited in that House,--so said some wretched Conservative withbroken back and broken heart,--a measure which he himself would onlybe too willing to carry were he allowed the privilege of passing overto the other side of the House for the purpose. In these encounters,Phineas Finn had already exhibited his prowess, and, in spite of hisdeclarations at Tankerville, had become prominent as an opponent toMr. Daubeny's bill. He had, of course, himself been taunted, and heldup in the House to the execration of his own constituents; but he hadenjoyed his fight, and had remembered how his friend Mr. Monk hadonce told him that the pleasure lay all on t
he side of opposition.But on this evening he declined to speak. "I suppose you have hardlyrecovered from Kennedy's pistol," said Mr. Ratler, who had, ofcourse, heard the whole story. "That, and the whole affair togetherhave upset me," said Phineas. "Fitzgibbon will do it for you; he's inthe House." And so it happened that on that occasion the HonourableLaurence Fitzgibbon made a very effective speech against theGovernment.
On the next morning from the columns of the People's Banner washurled the first of those thunderbolts with which it was the purposeof Mr. Slide absolutely to destroy the political and social life ofPhineas Finn. He would not miss his aim as Mr. Kennedy had done. Hewould strike such blows that no constituency should ever venture toreturn Mr. Finn again to Parliament; and he thought that he couldalso so strike his blows that no mighty nobleman, no distinguishedcommoner, no lady of rank should again care to entertain themiscreant and feed him with the dainties of fashion. The firstthunderbolt was as follows:--
We abstained yesterday from alluding to a circumstance which occurred at a small hotel in Judd Street on Sunday afternoon, and which, as we observe, was mentioned by one of our contemporaries. The names, however, were not given, although the persons implicated were indicated. We can see no reason why the names should be concealed. Indeed, as both the gentlemen concerned have been guilty of very great criminality, we think that we are bound to tell the whole story,--and this the more especially as certain circumstances have in a very peculiar manner placed us in possession of the facts.
It is no secret that for the last two years Lady Laura Kennedy has been separated from her husband, the Honourable Robert Kennedy, who, in the last administration, under Mr. Mildmay, held the office of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; and we believe as little a secret that Mr. Kennedy has been very persistent in endeavouring to recall his wife to her home. With equal persistence she has refused to obey, and we have in our hands the clearest possible evidence that Mr. Kennedy has attributed her obstinate refusal to influence exercised over her by Mr. Phineas Finn, who three years since was her father's nominee for the then existing borough of Loughton, and who lately succeeded in ousting poor Mr. Browborough from his seat for Tankerville by his impetuous promises to support that very measure of Church Reform which he is now opposing with that venom which makes him valuable to his party. Whether Mr. Phineas Finn will ever sit in another Parliament we cannot, of course, say, but we think we can at least assure him that he will never again sit for Tankerville.
On last Sunday afternoon Mr. Finn, knowing well the feeling with which he is regarded by Mr. Kennedy, outraged all decency by calling upon that gentleman, whose address he obtained from our office. What took place between them no one knows, and, probably, no one ever will know. But the interview was ended by Mr. Kennedy firing a pistol at Mr. Finn's head. That he should have done so without the grossest provocation no one will believe. That Mr. Finn had gone to the husband to interfere with him respecting his wife is an undoubted fact,--a fact which, if necessary, we are in a position to prove. That such interference must have been most heartrending every one will admit. This intruder, who had thrust himself upon the unfortunate husband on the Sabbath afternoon, was the very man whom the husband accuses of having robbed him of the company and comfort of his wife. But we cannot, on that account, absolve Mr. Kennedy of the criminality of his act. It should be for a jury to decide what view should be taken of that act, and to say how far the outrageous provocation offered should be allowed to palliate the offence. But hitherto the matter has not reached the police. Mr. Finn was not struck, and managed to escape from the room. It was his manifest duty as one of the community, and more especially so as a member of Parliament, to have reported all the circumstances at once to the police. This was not done by him, nor by the persons who keep the hotel. That Mr. Finn should have reasons of his own for keeping the whole affair secret, and for screening the attempt at murder, is clear enough. What inducements have been used with the people of the house we cannot, of course, say. But we understand that Mr. Kennedy has been allowed to leave London without molestation.
Such is the true story of what occurred on Sunday afternoon in Judd Street, and, knowing what we do, we think ourselves justified in calling upon Major Mackintosh to take the case into his own hands.
Now Major Mackintosh was at this time the head of the Londonconstabulary.
It is quite out of the question that such a transaction should take place in the heart of London at three o'clock on a Sunday afternoon, and be allowed to pass without notice. We intend to keep as little of what we know from the public as possible, and do not hesitate to acknowledge that we are debarred by an injunction of the Vice-Chancellor from publishing a certain document which would throw the clearest light upon the whole circumstance. As soon as possible after the shot was fired Mr. Finn went to work, and, as we think, by misrepresentations, obtained the injunction early on yesterday morning. We feel sure that it would not have been granted had the transaction in Judd Street been at the time known to the Vice-Chancellor in all its enormity. Our hands are, of course, tied. The document in question is still with us, but it is sacred. When called upon to show it by any proper authority we shall be ready; but, knowing what we do know, we should not be justified in allowing the matter to sleep. In the meantime we call upon those whose duty it is to preserve the public peace to take the steps necessary for bringing the delinquents to justice.
The effect upon Mr. Finn, we should say, must be his immediate withdrawal from public life. For the last year or two he has held some subordinate but permanent place in Ireland, which he has given up on the rumour that the party to which he has attached himself is likely to return to office. That he is a seeker after office is notorious. That any possible Government should now employ him, even as a tide-waiter, is quite out of the question; and it is equally out of the question that he should be again returned to Parliament, were he to resign his seat on accepting office. As it is, we believe, notorious that this gentleman cannot maintain the position which he holds without being paid for his services, it is reasonable to suppose that his friends will recommend him to retire, and seek his living in some obscure, and, let us hope, honest profession.
Mr. Slide, when his thunderbolt was prepared, read it over withdelight, but still with some fear as to probable results. It wasexpedient that he should avoid a prosecution for libel, and essentialthat he should not offend the majesty of the Vice-Chancellor'sinjunction. Was he sure that he was safe in each direction? As tothe libel, he could not tell himself that he was certainly safe. Hewas saying very hard things both of Lady Laura and of Phineas Finn,and sailing very near the wind. But neither of those persons wouldprobably be willing to prosecute; and, should he be prosecuted, hewould then, at any rate, be able to give in Mr. Kennedy's letter asevidence in his own defence. He really did believe that what he wasdoing was all done in the cause of morality. It was the business ofsuch a paper as that which he conducted to run some risk in defendingmorals, and exposing distinguished culprits on behalf of thepublic. And then, without some such risk, how could Phineas Finn beadequately punished for the atrocious treachery of which he had beenguilty? As to the Chancellor's order, Mr. Slide thought that he hadmanaged that matter very completely. No doubt he had acted in directopposition to the spirit of the injunction, but legal orders are readby the letter, and not by the spirit. It was open to him to publishanything he pleased respecting Mr. Kennedy and his wife, subject,of course, to the general laws of the land in regard to libel.The Vice-Chancellor's special order to him referred simply to aparticular document, and from that document he had not quoted a word,though he had contrived to repeat all the bitter things which itcontained, with much added venom of his own. He felt secure of beingsafe from any active anger on the part of the Vice-Chancellor.
The article was
printed and published. The reader will perceive thatit was full of lies. It began with a lie in that statement that "weabstained yesterday from alluding to circumstances" which had beenunknown to the writer when his yesterday's paper was published.The indignant reference to poor Finn's want of delicacy in forcinghimself upon Mr. Kennedy on the Sabbath afternoon, was, of course,a tissue of lies. The visit had been made almost at the instigationof the editor himself. The paper from beginning to end was full offalsehood and malice, and had been written with the express intentionof creating prejudice against the man who had offended the writer.But Mr. Slide did not know that he was lying, and did not know thathe was malicious. The weapon which he used was one to which his handwas accustomed, and he had been led by practice to believe that theuse of such weapons by one in his position was not only fair, butalso beneficial to the public. Had anybody suggested to him that hewas stabbing his enemy in the dark, he would have averred that hewas doing nothing of the kind, because the anonymous accusation ofsinners in high rank was, on behalf of the public, the special dutyof writers and editors attached to the public press. Mr. Slide'sblood was running high with virtuous indignation against our hero ashe inserted those last cruel words as to the choice of an obscure buthonest profession.
Phineas Finn read the article before he sat down to breakfast on thefollowing morning, and the dagger went right into his bosom. Everyword told upon him. With a jaunty laugh within his own sleeve he hadassured himself that he was safe against any wound which could beinflicted on him from the columns of the People's Banner. He hadbeen sure that he would be attacked, and thought that he was armedto bear it. But the thin blade penetrated every joint of his harness,and every particle of the poison curdled in his blood. He was hurtabout Lady Laura; he was hurt about his borough of Tankerville; hewas hurt by the charges against him of having outraged delicacy;he was hurt by being handed over to the tender mercies of MajorMackintosh; he was hurt by the craft with which the Vice-Chancellor'sinjunction had been evaded; but he was especially hurt by theallusions to his own poverty. It was necessary that he should earnhis bread, and no doubt he was a seeker after place. But he did notwish to obtain wages without working for them; and he did not see whythe work and wages of a public office should be less honourable thanthose of any other profession. To him, with his ideas, there was noprofession so honourable, as certainly there were none which demandedgreater sacrifices or were more precarious. And he did believe thatsuch an article as that would have the effect of shutting againsthim the gates of that dangerous Paradise which he desired to enter.He had no great claim upon his party; and, in giving away the goodthings of office, the giver is only too prone to recognise anyobjections against an individual which may seem to relieve him fromthe necessity of bestowing aught in that direction. Phineas felt thathe would almost be ashamed to show his face at the clubs or in theHouse. He must do so as a matter of course, but he knew that he couldnot do so without confessing by his visage that he had been deeplywounded by the attack in the People's Banner.
He went in the first instance to Mr. Low, and was almost surprisedthat Mr. Low should not have yet even have heard that such an attackhad been made. He had almost felt, as he walked to Lincoln's Inn,that everybody had looked at him, and that passers-by in the streethad declared to each other that he was the unfortunate one whohad been doomed by the editor of the People's Banner to seek someobscure way of earning his bread. Mr. Low took the paper, read, orprobably only half read, the article, and then threw the sheet asideas worthless. "What ought I to do?"
"Nothing at all."
"One's first desire would be to beat him to a jelly."
"Of all courses that would be the worst, and would most certainlyconduce to his triumph."
"Just so;--I only allude to the pleasure one would have, but whichone has to deny oneself. I don't know whether he has laid himselfopen for libel."
"I should think not. I have only just glanced at it, and thereforecan't give an opinion; but I should think you would not dream of sucha thing. Your object is to screen Lady Laura's name."
"I have to think of that first."
"It may be necessary that steps should be taken to defend hercharacter. If an accusation be made with such publicity as to enforcebelief if not denied, the denial must be made, and may probably bebest made by an action for libel. But that must be done by her or herfriends,--but certainly not by you."
"He has laughed at the Vice-Chancellor's injunction."
"I don't think that you can interfere. If, as you believe, Mr.Kennedy be insane, that fact will probably soon be proved, and willhave the effect of clearing Lady Laura's character. A wife may beexcused for leaving a mad husband."
"And you think I should do nothing?"
"I don't see what you can do. You have encountered a chimney sweeper,and of course you get some of the soot. What you do do, and whatyou do not do, must depend at any rate on the wishes of Lady LauraKennedy and her father. It is a matter in which you must makeyourself subordinate to them."
Fuming and fretting, and yet recognising the truth of Mr. Low'swords, Phineas left the chambers, and went down to his club. It wasa Wednesday, and the House was to sit in the morning; but beforehe went to the House he put himself in the way of certain of hisassociates in order that he might hear what would be said, and learnif possible what was thought. Nobody seemed to treat the accusationsin the newspaper as very serious, though all around him congratulatedhim on his escape from Mr. Kennedy's pistol. "I suppose the poor manreally is mad," said Lord Cantrip, whom he met on the steps of one ofthe clubs.
"No doubt, I should say."
"I can't understand why you didn't go to the police."
"I had hoped the thing would not become public," said Phineas.
"Everything becomes public;--everything of that kind. It is very hardupon poor Lady Laura."
"That is the worst of it, Lord Cantrip."
"If I were her father I should bring her to England, and demand aseparation in a regular and legal way. That is what he should do nowin her behalf. She would then have an opportunity of clearing hercharacter from imputations which, to a certain extent, will affectit, even though they come from a madman, and from the very scum ofthe press."
"You have read that article?"
"Yes;--I saw it but a minute ago."
"I need not tell you that there is not the faintest ground in theworld for the imputation made against Lady Laura there."
"I am sure that there is none;--and therefore it is that I tell youmy opinion so plainly. I think that Lord Brentford should be advisedto bring Lady Laura to England, and to put down the charges openly inCourt. It might be done either by an application to the Divorce Courtfor a separation, or by an action against the newspaper for libel.I do not know Lord Brentford quite well enough to intrude upon himwith a letter, but I have no objection whatever to having my namementioned to him. He and I and you and poor Mr. Kennedy sat togetherin the same Government, and I think that Lord Brentford would trustmy friendship so far." Phineas thanked him, and assured him that whathe had said should be conveyed to Lord Brentford.