CHAPTER I.
"TO THE BARRICADES!"--1830.
Fifteen years have rolled their course since the second Restoration,accomplished after the Hundred Days. The Bourbon government seems tohave set itself the task of making the indignation of the people runover.
Many are the grievances of France against the Bourbons: Provocations,iniquities, barbarisms, the White Terror of 1815;--the provost courts,where the hatred and rancor of the Emigrants sated itself withvengeance;--assassination, organized, blessed, and glorified, in thesouth;--Trestaillon and other defenders of altar and throne slayingtheir fellow citizens with impunity;--the Chamber of Deputiesunattainable, all its members royalists save one;--the billion francs'indemnity granted to the Emigrants;--the establishment by theUltramountainists and the Ultraroyalists of the law of sacrilege and thelaw of primogeniture;--the impieties of the clergy;--the orgies of themission fathers.
Military and civil conspiracies sprang up, to protest against theBourbons with the blood of martyrs. The _Carbonarii_, a vast secretsociety, extended its ramifications throughout all France and preservedthe traditions of republicanism. The Chamber of Deputies was dissolved,having been guilty of declaring to Charles X through the organ of itsmajority, in its address to the crown, that harmony no longer existedbetween the legislative body and the government. The Chamber having beendissolved, the country in the new elections responded by returning 221deputies of the opposition which composed the majority of the Assembly.King Charles X, in place of deferring to this manifestation by thecountry, imagined that, thanks to the successes of the French arms inAlgeria, he could successfully put through a coup d'etat; which heattempted, using Minister Polignac as his instrument, and rendering theordinances of the 26th of July, 1830, which suppressed the liberties ofthe nation.
During the fifteen years of the Restoration, John Lebrenn had continuedhis Breton cloth trade in Paris. Monsieur Desmarais, having gone madupon the second return of the Bourbons, died in isolation. Marik,Lebrenn's son, had espoused Henory Kerdren, the daughter of a merchantof Vannes, a correspondent of his father's. One son had been born of themarriage. He was now two years old, and had been given the name of oneof the heroes of ancient Gaul, Sacrovir.
The 27th of July, the day after the promulgation of the Polignacdecrees, at about eleven in the evening, Madam Lebrenn and herdaughter-in-law Henory had closed the shop, and had gone up to theirmezzanine floor; there, together in their room, they busied themselveswith the preparation of lint, in anticipation of the insurrection whichseemed due on the morrow. Marik Lebrenn and Castillon were loadingcartridges. Castillon, now at the ripe old age of sixty-three, was whiteof hair, but still supple and robust, and still plied his ironsmith'strade. A cradle, in which slept little Sacrovir, the grandson of JohnLebrenn, was placed beside Henory. It was a picture of the sweet joys ofthe family.
"In the presence of the passing events, and especially of those thatseem to be preparing," observed Madam Lebrenn, the same brave, steadfastCharlotte as of yore, "I feel again that grave and almost solemn emotionwhich I felt in my girlhood, in the grand days of the Revolution. Thosewere glorious spectacles!"
"A terrible and glorious time, mother," answered Henory. "Imperishablememories!"
"In the name of a name! We shall fight, Madam Henory!" quoth oldCastillon. "These cartridges will not be wasted. Down with Charles X,Polignac, and the whole clique of them! Down with the skull-caps!"
Just then John Lebrenn came up. All rose and ran to meet him. He heldout his hand to his wife, and kissed his daughter-in-law Henory on theforehead.
"The delegates of the patriot workingmen of the quarter have not yetcome?" he asked.
"No, father," replied Marik.
"What news have you picked up on your travels, my friend?" asked hiswife.
"Good, and bad."
"Commence with the bad, father," said Marik.
"The 221 deputies of the opposition lack energy," began his father;"there is indeed a minority of resolute citizens, Mauguin, Labbey ofPompieres, Dupont from the Eure, Audrey of Puyraveau, Daunou, and someothers. But the majority seems paralyzed with fear. Thiers is a coward,Casimir Perier a poltroon. These two wretches pretend that royalty mustbe given time to repent and to return to the paths of legality. Theypropose opening negotiations with the monarchy."
"Death to Thiers, the petty bourgeois! Death to his accomplices. To thelamp-post with the traitors!" cried Castillon, as he filled a shell.
"The same fear, the same lack of confidence on the part of thebourgeoisie as in 1789," remarked Madam Lebrenn. "To-day, as then, thebourgeoisie is ready to fall at the feet of the King and implore his aidagainst the revolution."
"What is James Lafitte's attitude?" queried Marik. "Does he show himselfa man of resolution in the struggle?"
"His civic courage does not fail him. He remains calm and smiling. Hisestablishment is the rendezvous of the Orleanist party, which is makinga lot of stir, but takes no determined stand."
"And Lafayette--is he on the side of the people?" asked Madam Lebrenn inturn.
"He is still the same man as we knew him forty years ago," her husbandreplied; "undecided, vacillating, incapable of taking a stand. Lafayetteis of all cliques."
"General Lafayette knows well enough that if Charles X wins in thestruggle, his life is in danger," interjected Madam Lebrenn.
"The General's courage is above suspicion; but his lack of decision mayhave disastrous consequences for our cause."
"His popularity is very great, and he may aspire to be President of theRepublic," pursued Lebrenn's wife.
"Our friends declared to him to-day that they counted on him forPresident in case the Republic were proclaimed. He made answer that hehad no ambition in that direction, and that he would first have to seehow things fell out."
At that moment Martin, the painter of battles, and Duresnel entered theroom. They were both armed with hunting pieces, and carried belts fullof cartridges. Both the artist and Duresnel were chiefs in therepublican Carbonarii, and had played their part in many a conspiracyupon the return of the Bourbons. Duresnel had spent three years inprison, having been sentenced for press offences, for being proprietorof a liberal newspaper. Martin, compromised in the conspiracy ofBelfort, and being condemned to death in John Doe proceedings, tookrefuge in England, where he lived for four years, returning to Franceonly after the amnesty. Through it all the two men had retained thepatriotic ardor of their youth. They were frank republicans, andpartisans of the Commune.
"Good even, Madam Lebrenn," said Martin, setting down his gun. "I seeyou are pulling lint; a good precaution, for to-morrow, at daybreak,there will be hot work, or I am mistaken. Good evening, Madam Henory;your little Sacrovir will probably hear music to-morrow which will notbe as pleasing to his ear as his mother's songs."
"It is good that my son become early used to such music, MonsieurMartin," smiled the young mother. "Perhaps he will have to listen to itoften, for I want to make him a good republican, like his father andgrandfather."
"What news do you bring, friends?" asked John Lebrenn.
"I am just from the office of the _National_," said Duresnel, "wherethey were holding a meeting of the opposition journalists. Armand Carrelregards all attempt at revolution as senseless. He will not admit thatan undisciplined population can triumph over an army."
"The people, happily, will not guide themselves by the opinion of thisparticular journalist," laughed Martin. "The agitation is spreading inall quarters. A gathering, ordered to evacuate the Place of the Bourse,attacked the troops, shouting 'Long live the charter! Down with theKing! To the lamp-post with the Jesuits and Polignac!'"
"The same scene was reproduced on the Place of Our Lady of Victories,and on St. Denis Boulevard," said Duresnel.
"And they are getting ready for the same struggle in the St. Honorequarter," Martin continued. "To-morrow at dawn Paris will bristle withbarricades. The combatants are pouring in by the thousand. Severalprinters have released their workmen. Maes, the bre
wer in the Marceausuburb, is ready to march at the head of his helpers. Coming along theDauphine passage, I stepped into our friend Joubert's; his book store isa veritable arsenal, filled with arms."
"Several armorers' shops have been invaded," Duresnel went on. "On thePlace of the Bourse I met Etienne Arago, the director of the VaudevilleTheater, who was taking a cart-load of guns and swords from the theaterto the home of Citizen Charles Teste, whom he charged with the task ofdistributing them to combatants. There will be arms in abundance."
"This evening," said Martin, "I saw in St. Antoine women and childrencarrying paving stones to the upper stories of their houses, to hurldown upon the troops. The word is being passed along: 'Down with thepretorians! Death to all the officers!'"
"When the women take part in a revolution," put in Madam Lebrenn, "it isa good omen. Here are some old friends coming," she added. "They willhave news also."
Upon the word, in came General Oliver, accompanied by the old mountedartilleryman of the republican Army of the Rhine and Moselle. Duchemin'shair and moustache were now both as white as snow; but he was stillalert and active, and carried under his arm an old rusted musket. Thebitterness of exile had furrowed Oliver's face with premature wrinkles,and turned his hair nigh as white as his companion's.
Oliver affectionately gave his hand to Charlotte, saying as he did so,"Good evening, my dear Madam Lebrenn;--good evening, Madam Henory. Oh,ho! Here you are occupied like the Gallic women of old on the eve ofbattle. And here is brave Castillon filling shells. The picture iscomplete."
Duchemin, also, saluted the company in military fashion, and said, "Inmy capacity as old artilleryman, I shall lend you a hand, Castillon."
"So here you are at last," cried John Lebrenn cordially to the General."Our friends and I were beginning to get surprised, and almost worriedat not having seen you since the promulgation of the ordinances."
"Before two days have passed the Bourbons will be driven from France,"returned the General. "The army can not stand against Paris ininsurrection. There are but twelve thousand troops in the city; thevictory of the people is assured."
"I fear you are mistaken, General," interposed Martin.
"You may be certain of what I tell you. I have my information fromseveral old officers of the Empire, who have maintained some sort ofrelations with the War Ministry."
"Your old friends are thinking, perhaps, of giving the movement aBonapartist turn?" asked Lebrenn.
"They are thinking seriously of it. They besought me to attend a reunionat the house of Colonel Gourgaud, where I met Dumoulin, Dufays,Bacheville, Clavel, and other old comrades. I strove hard, butineffectually, to convince them that Napoleon's death had made allthought of empire impossible. I remained alone in my opinion."
"I am afraid you will fall again under the influence of your oldwar-time memories, and that of your companions-in-arms," said Lebrenn,kindly.
"Ah, my friend," replied Oliver with emotion, "I have to-day no otherdesire than that of retrieving the errors of my military career. I haveresolved to fight with you and our friends for the triumph of theRepublic."
"We have examined, with Martin, the position of this house," continuedLebrenn, "and the wide open angle which the street forms twenty pacesfrom here seems to render imperative the building of a barricade almostat our doors, in order to cut off the communication of the troops thatmay come by the boulevards to effect their junction with those who nodoubt will occupy the City Hall."
"The place is well chosen," commented Oliver, ever the General.
"In that case," cried Duresnel, smiling, "I move that we name theGeneral commandant-in-chief of the barricade!"
"Carried! Carried!" cried all.
"I accept the position," replied Oliver; "but in order to command abarricade, there must first be one."
"Here, my friend, is how things stand," Lebrenn resumed, when themerriment had subsided; "my son and I enjoy in this street somereputation as patriots. The active men of the quarter, mainlyworkingmen, have full confidence in us. A number of them have comeseveral times through the day to seek advice. They are resolved toengage in the struggle, if necessary, and only await our giving thesignal. Our responsibility is great. If we urge them to the conflict, wemust, in placing ourselves at their head, be certain in our consciencesof our means of defense. I have assured the brave patriots that thisevening, after having visited the different quarters of Paris andinforming myself to the best of my ability, by personal observation andthrough friends, of the state of affairs, I would answer them as towhether they would best take up arms or not. They were to come at eleveno'clock or midnight to receive my decision. It is now half after eleven;their delegates should not be long in coming.
"Now, my friends," continued John, "the supreme hour is come. Let ustake counsel. Let us not forget that among the energetic citizens whoawait only one word of ours to run to arms, many have wives and childrenof whom they are the only support. If they are killed or defeated, theirfamilies will be plunged into distress. It is for us, then, to decidewhether their fighting is commanded by civic duty, whether it offerssufficient chance of success for us to give the signal for battle. We,more happy than our proletarian brothers, are at least certain, if wesuccumb, of not leaving our families resourceless. Here, then, myfriends, is what I propose. We all know how things stand in Paris. Letus put the question to a vote."
Madam Lebrenn spoke first. "Civil war is a terrible extremity," shesaid. "Vanquishers or vanquished, the mother-country has always somechildren to mourn. But to-day one can no longer hesitate. It is a choicebetween servitude or revolt. So, with my spirit in mourning for thefratricidal strife, I say to my husband, and to my son, You must fightto defend the liberties that the kingdom has not yet despoiled us of;you must fight to reconquer, if possible, the heritage of the greatRepublic. It alone can bestow moral and material freedom upon thedisinherited ones of the world, in virtue of its immortal principles,Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, and Solidarity. So then, as I see it, wemust fight. Let the blood which flows fall upon the head of royalty, italone has called down this impious struggle! To arms! To arms!"
All were deeply moved at Charlotte's stirring words, and Lebrenn said tohis daughter-in-law, "What is your opinion, dear Henory?"
"I believe throughout with my mother. The insurrection must be called."
"And your opinion, Castillon? Speak, old comrade," Lebrenn continued.
"Faggot and death, and _Ca ira_! Commune and Federation, and the RedFlag!"
"You have no need to ask me, friend Lebrenn," volunteered Duchemin. "Youhave only to look at my musket. The barrel is oiled, and the lockgraced with a new flint. Long live the social and democratic Republic!"
"What do you think about it, my dear Martin? What is your advice?" askedLebrenn of the painter in turn.
"I," said Martin, "say with Madam Lebrenn: Civil war is a terribleextremity; but legal resistance is impossible and laughable. When agovernment appeals to cannon to back up a coup d'etat, insurrectionbecomes the most sacred of duties. Long live the Republic!"
"Is that your opinion too, Duresnel?" queried Lebrenn.
"Aye, and all the more so because, as I see it, the insurrection hasevery chance of success. As for asserting that success will lead to are-establishment of the Republic, I would be careful of falling into adeception. But at any rate we will have made a big step forward infinally driving out the Bourbons; and whatever the government may bethat succeeds them, it can not but carry us far towards the Republic.So, then, down with the King! Down with the Jesuits and priests!"
General Oliver did not wait for the question to be put to him. "Myfriend," he declared simply, "I have but one way to redeem the past.That is to fight for the Republic, or to die for it."
"As to you, Marik," said Lebrenn, turning to his son, "you have regardedan insurrection as inevitable ever since you heard of the ordinances.You are, then, for taking arms, are you not?"
"Yes, I am for battle, father."
"Well, then, war!" c
ried John; "Long live the Republic."
"Someone to see you, sir," announced a servant.
"These are the delegates of our friends, come for the word. Ask thegentlemen in."
The servant showed into the room three workmen, in their laboringclothes. One of them, a man still young, and with a face full of fire,addressed John Lebrenn: "Are we to fight, or not to fight, in thisquarter, sir? They say it is warming up in St. Antoine, and that theyare building barricades. Our St. Denis Street is behind-hand; that willbe humiliating for the quarter."
"My men, you have asked my advice--" began Lebrenn.
"We felt the need of getting in touch with things, Monsieur Lebrenn.Yes, for indeed we said to each other from the first, Ordinances, coupsd'etat--what has all that to do with us? Our misery is great, our wageshardly buy bread for our children and ourselves; will our distress beany greater after the coup d'etat than before? And still we said thatthese Bourbons, these 'whites,' are the enemies of the people, and thatwe should seize the occasion to turn them out. But after all, what willit bring us? The same misery as in the past."
"What will we have gained by driving out Charles, Polignac, and theskull-cap bands?" added the other two workingmen.
"My men, here in two words is the meat of the matter. To-day, in 1830,the proletarians of the towns and the country, in other words theimmense majority of the people, produce, almost by their labor alone,the riches of the country; and yet they live in misery. Why is it thus?Because you have no political rights."
"And what help would political rights be to us?"
"Suppose you were all electors, as you were under the great Republic.You would elect your representatives; these representatives would makethe laws. So that, if you chose for representatives friends of thepeople, is it not clear that the laws they made would be favorable tothe people? The law could decree, for example, as in the time of theRepublic, the education of children, instructed and maintained by thestate, from the age of five to twelve. The law could decree assistancefor disabled proletarians, for widows with children. The law coulddecree the abolition of slavery in the colonies, equality of civicrights between man and woman. The law could assure work to citizens intimes of unemployment, and sustain them against the exploitation ofcapital. The law, in short, could change your condition completely, forthe law is sovereign. The law can perform everything within the limitsof the possible; so then, by their number, the proletarians composingthe great majority of the citizens, they would be assured of having amajority in the elections; whence it follows that if they had wellchosen their representatives, all the laws made by these would be infavor of the proletariat. Do you follow me, friends?"
"In virtue of our political rights we would choose the representativeswho make the laws, and they would make them in our interests," answeredthe first workingman. The other two also added: "That is easy tounderstand."
"That is why," continued John Lebrenn, "as long as you remain withoutpolitical rights, your condition will continue precarious andmiserable."
"But how can we obtain these political rights?" asked one of theworkingmen.
"By combatting all governments which refuse to recognize your rights orwhich pluck you of them, as did Napoleon, the accursed Corsican, and asthe Bourbons have done."
"It stiffens one's spine," returned the artisan, "to know that byfighting against Charles X and Polignac we will obtain rights which willpermit us to choose the representatives who will make laws in our favor.On to the barricades, then! Let us strike a blow that will count,against the gendarmes, and the officers of the troops."
"To the barricades! Death to the gendarmes!" repeated the other twoartisans.
"In conclusion, my men," resumed Lebrenn, "I tell you in all sincerity,it is possible, although doubtful, that we may with this one blowreconquer the Republic, which alone can free you in mind and body, andrestore to you the exercise of your sovereignty. Now, my men, decide."
With ringing enthusiasm the three workingmen shouted:
"To the barricades!"
"Down with Charles X and Polignac!"
"Down with all the Jesuits and skull-caps!"
And all present joined in the battle-cry:
"Long live the Republic! To the barricades!"