assembled to look on rather than assist them, they exhorted the men to
take arms and deliver themselves from the slavery which weighed so
heavily upon them; declaring that the complaints of the discontented
in the city, rather than their own grievances, had induced them to
attempt their deliverance. They had heard that many prayed to God for
an opportunity of avenging themselves, and vowed they would use it
whenever they found anyone to conduct them; but now, when the
favorable circumstances occurred, and they found those who were ready
to lead them, they stared at each other like men stupefied, and would
wait till those who were endeavoring to recover for them their liberty
were slain, and their own chains more strongly riveted upon them; they
wondered that those who were wont to take arms upon slight occasions,
remained unmoved under the pressure of so many and so great evils; and
that they could willingly suffer such numbers of their fellow-citizens
to be banished, so many admonished, when it was in their power to
restore the banished to their country, and the admonished to the
honors of the state. These words, although full of truth, produced no
effect upon those to whom they were addressed; for they were either
restrained by their fears, or, on account of the two murders which had
been committed, disgusted with the parties. Thus the movers of the
tumult, finding that neither words or deeds had force sufficient to
stir anyone, saw, when too late, how dangerous a thing it is to
attempt to set a people free who are resolved to be slaves; and,
despairing of success, they withdrew to the temple of Santa Reparata,
where, not to save their lives, but to defer the moment of their
deaths, they shut themselves up. Upon the first rumor of the affair,
the Signory being in fear, armed and secured the palace; but when the
facts of the case were understood, the parties known, and whither they
had betaken themselves, their fears subsided, and they sent the
Capitano with a sufficient body of armed men to secure them. The gates
of the temple were forced without much trouble; part of the
conspirators were slain defending themselves; the remainder were made
prisoners and examined, but none were found implicated in the affair
except Baroccio and Piggiello Cavicciulli, who were put to death with
them.
Shortly after this event, another occurred of greater importance. The
Florentines were, as we have before remarked, at war with the duke of
Milan, who, finding that with merely open force he could not overcome
them, had recourse to secret practices, and with the assistance of the
exiles of whom Lombardy was full, he formed a plot to which many in
the city were accessory. It was resolved by the conspirators that most
of the emigrants, capable of bearing arms, should set out from the
places nearest Florence, enter the city by the river Arno, and with
their friends hasten to the residences of the chiefs of the
government; and having slain them, reform the republic according to
their own will. Of the conspirators within the city, was one of the
Ricci named Samminiato; and as it often happens in treacherous
practices, few are insufficient to effect the purpose of the plot, and
among many secrecy cannot be preserved, so while Samminiato was in
quest of associates, he found an accuser. He confided the affair to
Salvestro Cavicciulli, whose wrongs and those of his friends were
thought sufficient to make him faithful; but he, more influenced by
immediate fear than the hope of future vengeance, discovered the whole
affair to the Signory, who, having caused Samminiato to be taken,
compelled him to tell all the particulars of the matter. However, none
of the conspirators were taken, except Tommaso Davizi, who, coming
from Bologna, and unaware of what had occurred at Florence, was seized
immediately upon his arrival. All the others had fled immediately upon
the apprehension of Samminiato.
Samminiato and Tommaso having been punished according to their
deserts, a Balia was formed of many citizens, which sought the
delinquents, and took measures for the security of the state. They
declared six of the family of the Ricci rebels; also, six of the
Alberti; two of the Medici; three of the Scali; two of the Strozzi;
Bindo Altoviti, Bernado Adimari, and many others of inferior quality.
They admonished all the family of the Alberti, the Ricci, and the
Medici for ten years, except a few individuals. Among the Alberti, not
admonished, was Antonio, who was thought to be quiet and peaceable. It
happened, however, before all suspicion of the conspiracy had ceased,
a monk was taken who had been observed during its progress to pass
frequently between Bologna and Florence. He confessed that he had
often carried letters to Antonio, who was immediately seized, and,
though he denied all knowledge of the matter from the first, the
monk's accusation prevailed, and he was fined in a considerable sum of
money, and banished a distance of three hundred miles from Florence.
That the Alberti might not constantly place the city in jeopardy,
every member of the family was banished whose age exceeded fifteen
years.
These events took place in the year 1400, and two years afterward, died
Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan, whose death as we have said above,
put an end to the war, which had then continued twelve years. At this
time, the government having gained greater strength, and being without
enemies external or internal, undertook the conquest of Pisa, and
having gloriously completed it, the peace of the city remained
undisturbed from 1400 to 1433, except that in 1412, the Alberti,
having crossed the boundary they were forbidden to pass, a Balia was
formed which with new provisions fortified the state and punished the
offenders with heavy fines. During this period also, the Florentines
made war with Ladislaus, king of Naples, who finding himself in great
danger ceded to them the city of Cortona of which he was master; but
soon afterward, recovering his power, he renewed the war, which became
far more disastrous to the Florentines than before; and had it not, in
1414, been terminated by his death, as that of Lombardy had been by
the death of the duke of Milan, he, like the duke, would have brought
Florence into great danger of losing her liberty. Nor was the war with
the king concluded with less good fortune than the former; for when he
had taken Rome, Sienna, the whole of La Marca and Romagna, and had
only Florence itself to vanquish, he died. Thus death has always been
more favorable to the Florentines than any other friend, and more
potent to save them than their own valor. From the time of the king's
decease, peace was preserved both at home and abroad for eight years,
at the end of which, with the wars of Filippo, duke of Milan, the
spirit of faction again broke out, and was only appeased by the ruin
of that government which continued from 1381 to 1434, had conducted
with great glory so many enterprises; acquired Arezzo, Pisa, Cortona,
&nb
sp; Leghorn, and Monte Pulciano; and would have accomplished more if the
citizens had lived in unity, and had not revived former factions; as
in the following book will be particularly shown.
BOOK IV
CHAPTER I
License and Slavery peculiar defects in republican governments--
Application of this reflection to the state of Florence--Giovanni
di Bicci di' Medici re-establishes the authority of his family--
Filippo Visconti, duke of Milan, endeavors to make amicable
arrangements with the Florentines--Their jealousy of him--
Precautionary measures against him--War declared--The Florentines
are routed by the ducal forces.
Republican governments, more especially those imperfectly organized,
frequently change their rulers and the form of their institutions; not
by the influence of liberty or subjection, as many suppose, but by
that of slavery and license; for with the nobility or the people, the
ministers respectively of slavery or licentiousness, only the name of
liberty is in any estimation, neither of them choosing to be subject
either to magistrates or laws. When, however, a good, wise, and
powerful citizen appears (which is but seldom), who establishes
ordinances capable of appeasing or restraining these contending
dispositions, so as to prevent them from doing mischief, then the
government may be called free, and its institutions firm and secure;
for having good laws for its basis, and good regulations for carrying
them into effect, it needs not, like others, the virtue of one man for
its maintenance. With such excellent laws and institutions, many of
those ancient republics, which were of long duration, were endowed.
But these advantages are, and always have been, denied to those which
frequently change from tyranny to license, or the reverse; because,
from the powerful enemies which each condition creates itself, they
neither have, nor can possess any stability; for tyranny cannot please
the good, and license is offensive to the wise: the former may easily
be productive of mischief, while the latter can scarcely be
beneficial; in the former, the insolent have too much authority, and
in the latter, the foolish; so that each requires for their welfare
the virtue and the good fortune of some individual who may be removed
by death, or become unserviceable by misfortune.
Hence, it appears, that the government which commenced in Florence at
the death of Giorgio Scali, in 1381, was first sustained by the
talents of Maso degli Albizzi, and then by those of Niccolo da Uzzano.
The city remained tranquil from 1414 to 1422; for King Ladislaus was
dead, and Lombardy divided into several parts; so that there was
nothing either internal or external to occasion uneasiness. Next to
Niccolo da Uzzano in authority, were Bartolomeo Valori, Neroni di
Nigi, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Neri di Gino, and Lapo Niccolini. The
factions that arose from the quarrels of the Albizzi and the Ricci,
and which were afterward so unhappily revived by Salvestro de' Medici,
were never extinguished; for though the party most favored by the
rabble only continued three years, and in 1381 was put down, still, as
it comprehended the greatest numerical proportion, it was never
entirely extinct, though the frequent Balias and persecutions of its
leaders from 1381 to 1400, reduced it almost to nothing. The first
families that suffered in this way were the Alberti, the Ricci, and
the Medici, which were frequently deprived both of men and money; and
if any of them remained in the city, they were deprived of the honors
of government. These oft-repeated acts of oppression humiliated the
faction, and almost annihilated it. Still, many retained the
remembrance of the injuries they had received, and a desire of
vengeance remained pent in their bosoms, ungratified and unquenched.
Those nobles of the people, or new nobility, who peaceably governed
the city, committed two errors, which eventually caused the ruin of
their party; the first was, that by long continuance in power they
became insolent; the second, that the envy they entertained toward
each other, and their uninterrupted possession of power, destroyed
that vigilance over those who might injure them, which they ought to
have exercised. Thus daily renewing the hatred of a mass of the people
by their sinister proceedings, and either negligent of the threatened
dangers, because rendered fearless by prosperity, or encouraging them
through mutual envy, they gave an opportunity to the family of the
Medici to recover their influence. The first to do so was Giovanni di
Bicci de' Medici, who having become one of the richest men, and being
of a humane and benevolent disposition, obtained the supreme
magistracy by the consent of those in power. This circumstance gave so
much gratification to the mass of the people (the multitude thinking
they had now found a defender), that not without occasion the
judicious of the party observed it with jealousy, for they perceived
all the former feelings of the city revived. Niccolo da Uzzano did not
fail to acquaint the other citizens with the matter, explaining to
them how dangerous it was to aggrandize one who possessed so much
influence; that it was easy to remedy an evil at its commencement, but
exceedingly difficult after having allowed it to gather strength; and
that Giovanni possessed several qualities far surpassing those of
Salvestro. The associates of Niccolo were uninfluenced by his remarks;
for they were jealous of his reputation, and desired to exalt some
person, by means of whom he might be humbled.
This was the state of Florence, in which opposing feelings began to be
observable, when Filippo Visconti, second son of Giovanni Galeazzo,
having, by the death of his brother, become master of all Lombardy,
and thinking he might undertake almost anything, greatly desired to
recover Genoa, which enjoyed freedom under the Dogiate of Tommaso da
Campo Fregoso. He did not think it advisable to attempt this, or any
other enterprise, till he had renewed amicable relations with the
Florentines, and made his good understanding with them known; but with
the aid of their reputation he trusted he should attain his wishes. He
therefore sent ambassadors to Florence to signify his desires. Many
citizens were opposed to his design, but did not wish to interrupt the
peace with Milan, which had now continued for many years. They were
fully aware of the advantages he would derive from a war with Genoa,
and the little use it would be to Florence. Many others were inclined
to accede to it, but would set a limit to his proceedings, which, if
he were to exceed, all would perceive his base design, and thus they
might, when the treaty was broken, more justifiably make war against
him. The question having been strongly debated, an amicable
arrangement was at length effected, by which Filippo engaged not to
interfere with anything on the Florentine side of the rivers Magra and
Panaro.
Soon after the treaty was concluded, the duke too
k possession of
Brescia, and shortly afterward of Genoa, contrary to the expectation
of those who had advocated peace; for they thought Brescia would be
defended by the Venetians, and Genoa would be able to defend herself.
And as in the treaty which Filippo made with the Doge of Genoa, he had
acquired Serezana and other places situated on this side the Magra,
upon condition that, if he wished to alienate them, they should be
given to the Genoese, it was quite palpable that he had broken the
treaty; and he had, besides, entered into another treaty with the
legate of Bologna, in opposition to his engagement respecting the
Panaro. These things disturbed the minds of the citizens, and made
them, apprehensive of new troubles, consider the means to be adopted
for their defense.
The dissatisfaction of the Florentines coming to the knowledge of
Filippo, he, either to justify himself, or to become acquainted with
their prevailing feelings, or to lull them to repose, sent ambassadors
to the city, to intimate that he was greatly surprised at the
suspicions they entertained, and offered to revoke whatever he had
done that could be thought a ground of jealousy. This embassy produced
no other effect than that of dividing the citizens; one party, that in
greatest reputation, judged it best to arm, and prepare to frustrate
the enemy's designs; and if he were to remain quiet, it would not be
necessary to go to war with him, but an endeavor might be made to
preserve peace. Many others, whether envious of those in power, or
fearing a rupture with the duke, considered it unadvisable so lightly
to entertain suspicions of an ally, and thought his proceedings need
not have excited so much distrust; that appointing the ten and hiring
forces was in itself a manifest declaration of war, which, if
undertaken against so great a prince, would bring certain ruin upon
the city without the hope of any advantage; for possession could never
be retained of the conquests that might be made, because Romagna lay
between, and the vicinity of the church ought to prevent any attempt
against Romagna itself. However the views of those who were in favor
of war prevailed, the Council of Ten were appointed, forces were
hired, and new taxes levied, which, as they were more burdensome upon
the lower than the upper ranks, filled the city with complaints, and
all condemned the ambition and avarice of the great, declaring that,
to gratify themselves and oppress the people, they would go to war
without any justifiable motive.
They had not yet come to an open rupture with the duke, but everything
tended to excite suspicion; for Filippo had, at the request of the
legate of Bologna (who was in fear of Antonio Bentivogli, an emigrant
of Bologna at Castel Bolognese), sent forces to that city, which,
being close upon the Florentine territory, filled the citizens with
apprehension; but what gave every one greater alarm, and offered
sufficient occasion for the declaration of war, was the expedition
made by the duke against Furli. Giorgio Ordelaffi was lord of Furli,
who dying, left Tibaldo, his son, under the guardianship of Filippo.
The boy's mother, suspicious of his guardian, sent him to Lodovico
Alidossi, her father, who was lord of Imola, but she was compelled by
the people of Furli to obey the will of her deceased husband, to
withdraw him from the natural guardian, and place him in the hands of
the duke. Upon this Filippo, the better to conceal his purpose, caused
the Marquis of Ferrara to send Guido Torello as his agent, with
forces, to seize the government of Furli, and thus the territory fell
into the duke's hands. When this was known at Florence, together with
the arrival of forces at Bologna, the arguments in favor of war were
greatly strengthened, but there were still many opposed to it, and
among the rest Giovanni de' Medici, who publicly endeavored to show,
that even if the ill designs of the duke were perfectly manifest, it