breast and in the side with the sheathed daggers intended to be used
for the purpose. On considering the most suitable time and place, the
castle seemed insecure; during the chase, uncertain and dangerous;
while going about the city for his own amusement, difficult if not
impracticable; and, at a banquet, of doubtful result. They, therefore,
determined to kill him upon the occasion of some procession or public
festivity when there would be no doubt of his presence, and where they
might, under various pretexts, assemble their friends. It was also
resolved that if one of their number were prevented from attending, on
any account whatever, the rest should put him to death in the midst of
their armed enemies.
It was now the close of the year 1476, near Christmas, and as it was
customary for the duke to go upon St. Stephen's day, in great
solemnity, to the church of that martyr, they considered this the most
suitable opportunity for the execution of their design. Upon the
morning of that day they ordered some of their most trusty friends and
servants to arm, telling them they wished to go to the assistance of
Giovanandrea, who, contrary to the wish of some of his neighbors,
intended to turn a watercourse into his estate; but that before they
went they wished to take leave of the prince. They also assembled,
under various pretenses, other friends and relatives, trusting that
when the deed was accomplished, everyone would join them in the
completion of their enterprise. It was their intention, after the
duke's death, to collect their followers together and proceed to those
parts of the city where they imagined the plebeians would be most
disposed to take arms against the duchess and the principal ministers
of state, and they thought the people, on account of the famine which
then prevailed, would easily be induced to follow them; for it was
their design to give up the houses of Cecco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti,
and Francesco Lucani, all leading men in the government, to be
plundered, and by this means gain over the populace and restore
liberty to the community. With these ideas, and with minds resolved
upon their execution, Giovanandrea, together with the rest, were early
at the church, and heard mass together; after which, Giovanandrea,
turning to a statue of St. Ambrose, said, "O patron of our city! thou
knowest our intention, and the end we would attain, by so many
dangers; favor our enterprise, and prove, by protecting the oppressed,
that tyranny is offensive to thee." To the duke, on the other hand,
when intending to go to the church, many omens occurred of his
approaching death; for in the morning, having put on a cuirass, as was
his frequent custom, he immediately took it off again, either because
it inconvenienced him, or that he did not like its appearance. He then
wished to hear mass in the castle, and found that the priest who
officiated in the chapel had gone to St. Stephen's, and had taken with
him the sacred utensils. On this he desired the service to be
performed by the bishop of Como, who acquainted him with preventing
circumstances. Thus, almost compelled, he determined to go to the
church; but before his departure, caused his sons, Giovan Galeazzo and
Ermes, to be brought to him, whom he embraced and kissed several
times, seeming reluctant to part with them. He then left the castle,
and, with the ambassadors of Ferrara and Mantua on either hand,
proceeded to St. Stephen's. The conspirators, to avoid exciting
suspicion, and to escape the cold, which was very severe, had
withdrawn to an apartment of the archpriest, who was a friend of
theirs, but hearing the duke's approach, they came into the church,
Giovanandrea and Girolamo placing themselves upon the right hand of
the entrance, and Carlo on the left. Those who led the procession had
already entered, and were followed by the duke, surrounded by such a
multitude as is usual on similar occasions. The first attack was made
by Lampognano and Girolamo, who, pretending to clear the way for the
prince, came close to him, and grasping their daggers, which, being
short and sharp, were concealed in the sleeves of their vests, struck
at him. Lampognano gave him two wounds, one in the belly, the other in
the throat. Girolamo struck him in the throat and breast. Carlo
Visconti, being nearer the door, and the duke having passed, could not
wound him in front: but with two strokes, transpierced his shoulder
and spine. These six wounds were inflicted so instantaneously, that
the duke had fallen before anyone was aware of what had happened, and
he expired, having only once ejaculated the name of the Virgin, as if
imploring her assistance. A great tumult immediately ensued, several
swords were drawn, and as often happens in sudden emergencies, some
fled from the church, and others ran toward the scene of tumult, both
without any definite motive or knowledge of what had occurred. Those,
however, who were nearest the duke and had seen him slain, recognizing
the murderers, pursued them. Giovanandrea, endeavoring to make his way
out of the church, proceeded among the women, who being numerous, and
according to their custom, seated upon the ground, was prevented in
his progress by their apparel, and being overtaken, he was killed by a
Moor, one of the duke's footmen. Carlo was slain by those immediately
around him. Girolamo Olgiato passed through the crowd, and got out of
the church; but seeing his companions dead, and not knowing where else
to go, he proceeded home, where his father and brothers refused to
receive him; his mother only, having compassion on her son recommended
him to a priest, an old friend of the family, who, disguising him in
his own apparel, led him to his house. Here he remained two days, not
without hope that some disturbance might arise in Milan which would
contribute to his safety. This not occurring, and apprehensive that
his hiding place would be discovered, he endeavored to escape in
disguise, but being observed, he was given over to justice, and
disclosed all the particulars of the conspiracy. Girolamo was twenty-
three years of age, and exhibited no less composure at his death than
resolution in his previous conduct, for being stripped of his apparel,
and in the hands of the executioner, who stood by with the sword
unsheathed, ready to deprive him of life, he repeated the following
words, in the Latin tongue, in which he was well versed: "Mors acerba,
fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria facti."
The enterprise of these unfortunate young men was conducted with
secrecy and executed with resolution; and they failed for want of the
support of those whom they expected would rise in their defense. Let
princes therefore learn to live, so as to render themselves beloved
and respected by their subjects, that none may have hope of safety
after having destroyed them; and let others see how vain is the
expectation which induces them to trust so much to the multitude, as
to believe, that even when discontented, they will either embrace or
ward off their dangers. This event spread consternation all over
Italy; but those which shortly afterward occurred in Florence caused
much more alarm, and terminated a peace of twelve years' continuance,
as will be shown in the following book; which, having commenced with
blood and horror, will have a melancholy and tearful conclusion.
BOOK VIII
CHAPTER I
State of the family of the Medici at Florence--Enmity of Sixtus
IV. toward Florence--Differences between the family of the Pazzi
and that of the Medici--Beginning of the conspiracy of the Pazzi--
Arrangements to effect the design of the conspiracy--Giovanni
Batista da Montesecco is sent to Florence--The pope joins the
conspiracy--The king of Naples becomes a party to it--Names of the
conspirators--The conspirators make many ineffectual attempts to
kill Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici--The final arrangement--Order
of the conspiracy.
This book, commencing between two conspiracies, the one at Milan
already narrated, the other yet to be recorded, it would seem
appropriate, and in accordance with our usual custom, were we to treat
of the nature and importance of these terrible demonstrations. This we
should willingly do had we not discussed the matter elsewhere, or
could it be comprised in few words. But requiring much consideration,
and being already noticed in another place, it will be omitted, and we
shall proceed with our narrative. The government of the Medici having
subdued all its avowed enemies in order to obtain for that family
undivided authority, and distinguish them from other citizens in their
relation to the rest, found it necessary to subdue those who secretly
plotted against them. While Medici contended with other families,
their equals in authority and reputation, those who envied their power
were able to oppose them openly without danger of being suppressed at
the first demonstration of hostility; for the magistrates being free,
neither party had occasion to fear, till one or other of them was
overcome. But after the victory of 1466, the government became so
entirely centred in the Medici, and they acquired so much authority,
that discontented spirits were obliged either to suffer in silence,
or, if desirous to destroy them, to attempt it in secrecy, and by
clandestine means; which plots rarely succeed and most commonly
involve the ruin of those concerned in them, while they frequently
contribute to the aggrandizement of those against whom they are
directed. Thus the prince of a city attacked by a conspiracy, if not
slain like the duke of Milan (which seldom happens), almost always
attains to a greater degree of power, and very often has his good
disposition perverted to evil. The proceedings of his enemies give him
cause for fear; fear suggests the necessity of providing for his own
safety, which involves the injury of others; and hence arise
animosities, and not unfrequently his ruin. Thus these conspiracies
quickly occasion the destruction of their contrivers, and, in time,
inevitably injure their primary object.
Italy, as we have seen above, was divided into two factions; the pope
and the king on one side; on the other, the Venetians, the duke, and
the Florentines. Although the flames of war had not yet broken out,
every day gave rise to some new occasion for rekindling them; and the
pope, in particular, in all his plans endeavored to annoy the
Florentine government. Thus Filippo de' Medici, archbishop of Pisa,
being dead, Francesco Salviati, a declared enemy of the Medici, was
appointed his successor, contrary to the wish of the Signory of
Florence, who being unwilling to give him possession, there arose
between them and the pope many fresh grounds of offense, before the
matter was settled. Besides this, he conferred, at Rome, many favors
upon the family of the Pazzi, and opposed that of the Medici, whenever
an opportunity offered. The Pazzi were at this time, both on account
of nobility of birth and their great wealth, the most brilliant in
France. The head of this family was Jacopo, whom the people, on
account of his distinguished pre-eminence, had made a knight. He had
no children, except one natural daughter, but many nephews, sons of
his brothers Piero and Antonio, the first of whom were Guglielmo,
Francesco, Rinato, Giovanni, and then, Andrea, Niccolo, and Galeotto.
Cosmo de' Medici, noticing the riches and rank of this family, had
given his granddaughter, Bianca, to Guglielmo, hoping by this marriage
to unite the houses, and obviate those enmities and dissensions so
frequently occasioned by jealousy. However (so uncertain and
fallacious are our expectations), very different feelings were thus
originated; for Lorenzo's advisers pointed out to him how dangerous it
was, and how injurious to his authority, to unite in the same
individuals so much wealth and power. In consequence, neither Jacopo
nor his nephews obtained those degrees of honor, which in the opinion
of other citizens were their due. This gave rise to anger in the
Pazzi, and fear on the part of the Medici; as the former of these
increased, so did the latter; and upon all occasions, when the Pazzi
came in competition with other citizens, their claims to distinction,
however strong, were set aside by the magistracy. Francesco de' Pazzi,
being at Rome, the Council of Eight, upon some trivial occasion,
compelled him to return, without treating him with the respect usually
observed toward great citizens, so that the Pazzi everywhere bitterly
complained of the ill usage they experienced, and thus excited
suspicion in others, and brought down greater evils upon themselves.
Giovanni de' Pazzi had married the daughter of Giovanni Buonromei, a
very wealthy man, whose riches on his decease, without other children,
came to his daughter. His nephew, Carlo, however, took possession of
part, and the question being litigated, a law was passed, by virtue of
which the wife of Giovanni de' Pazzi was robbed of her inheritance,
and it was given to Carlo. In this piece of injustice the Pazzi at
once recognized the influence of the Medici. Giuliano de' Medici often
complained to his brother Lorenzo of the affair, saying he was afraid
that by grasping at too much they would lose all.
Lorenzo, flushed with youth and power, would assume the direction of
everything, and resolved that all transactions should bear an impress
of his influence. The Pazzi, with their nobility and wealth unable to
endure so many affronts, began to devise some means of vengeance. The
first who spoke of any attempt against the Medici, was Francesco, who,
being more sensitive and resolute than the others, determined either
to obtain what was withheld from him, or lose what he still possessed.
As the government of Florence gave him great offense, he resided
almost constantly at Rome, where, like other Florentine merchants, he
conducted extensive commercial operations; and being a most intimate
friend of Count Girolamo, they frequently complained to each other of
the conduct of the Medici. After a while they began to think that for
the count to retain his estates, or the Pazzi their rights in the
city, it would be necessary to change the government of Florence; and
this they considered could not be done without the death of Giuliano
and Lorenzo. They imagined the pope and the king would be easily
induced to consent, because each could be convinced of the facility of
the enterprise. Having acquired these ideas, they communicated them to
Francesco Salviati, archbishop of Pisa, who, being ambitious and
recently offended by the Medici, willingly adopted their views.
Considering their next step, they resolved, in order to facilitate the
design, to obtain the consent of Jacopo de' Pazzi, without whose
concurrence they feared it would be impracticable. With this view, it
was resolved that Francesco de' Pazzi should go to Florence, while the
archbishop and the count were to remain at Rome, to be ready to
communicate with the pope when a suitable opportunity occurred.
Francesco found Jacopo de' Pazzi more cautious and difficult to
persuade than he could have wished, and on imparting this to his
friends at Rome, it was thought he desired the sanction of some
greater authority to induce him to adopt their views. Upon this, the
archbishop and the count communicated the whole affair to Giovanni
Batista da Montesecco, a leader of the papal forces, possessing
military reputation, and under obligations to the pope and the count.
To him the affair seemed difficult and dangerous, while the archbishop
endeavored to obviate his objections by showing how much assistance
the pope and the king would lend to the enterprise; the hatred of the
Florentines toward the Medici, the numerous friends the Salviati and
the Pazzi would bring with them, the readiness with which the young
men might be slain, on account of their going about the city
unaccompanied and without suspicion, and the facility with which the
government might then be changed. These things Giovanni Batista did
not in reality believe, for he had heard from many Florentines quite
contrary statements.
While occupied with these deliberations, Carlo, lord of Faenza, was
taken ill, and tears were entertained for his life. This circumstance
seemed to the archbishop and the count to offer an opportunity for
sending Giovanni Batista to Florence, and thence to Romagna, under
pretence of recovering certain territories belonging to the latter, of
which the lord of Faenza had taken possession. The count therefore
commissioned Giovanni Batista to have an interview with Lorenzo de'
Medici, and on his part request his advice how to proceed with respect
to the affair of Romagna; that he should then see Francesco de' Pazzi,
and in conjunction with him endeavor to induce his uncle Jacopo to
adopt their ideas. To render the pope's authority available in their
behalf, Giovanni Batista was ordered, before his departure, to
communicate with the pontiff, who offered every means at his disposal
in favor of their enterprise. Giovanni Batista, having arrived at
Florence, obtained an interview with Lorenzo, by whom he was most
graciously received; and with regard to the advice he was commissioned
to ask, obtained a wise and friendly answer; so that he was astonished
at finding him quite a different character from what he had been
represented, and considered him to possess great sagacity, an
affectionate heart, and most amicably disposed toward the count. He
found Francesco de' Pazzi had gone to Lucca, and spoke to Jacopo, who
was at first quite opposed to their design, but before they parted the
pope's authority seemed to have influenced him; for he told Giovanni
Batista, that he might go to Romagna, and that before his return
Francesco would be with him, and they would then consult more
particularly upon the subject. Giovanni Batista proceeded to Romagna,
and soon returned to Florence. After a pretended consultation with