to compensate for the labour shortage in France. They were only required temporarily and were repatriated at the end of the war when they became ‘superfluous’. Between the wars, there was some temporary movement of Algerians to France with the new Settlers returning home once they had made enough money to be replaced by another.
The Repatriation Office
Boublil's Ministry of Ethnic Affairs had created an office for the repatriation of non-Gallos to their countries of origin according to Law of 8th May, relating to the right of residence in the Nation of France. It was named the Repatriation Office, a euphemism for expulsion office of the denaturalised.
The Nation was not only the home to Gallo-Europeans as defined under the Ethnicity Laws; there were a large number of persons of evident non-Gallo origin who were classified as Gallo by their birth, culture and allegiance to the Nation and as a consequence enjoyed the rights and privileges of any other citizen. There were also a large number of non-Gallos who enjoyed the right of semi-permanent residence in the Nation, on a priority basis relative to its manpower needs.
The country could not function without the manpower that was needed for the basic everyday needs of a modern economy. Work permits were issued to non-Gallo Short Sojourn Workers for jobs that were qualified as being in the public interest by the Office of Employment, these jobs were mostly in the traditional list of occupations held by non or lowly skilled workers, the dirty jobs. A monthly schedule of such jobs and the numbers admitted was published each month, organised by class and priority. This was always underestimated for ideological reasons resulting in a black market for infiltrators.
The issue or renewal SSW work permits was linked to not only to a fluctuating demand but also to political pressures. When the real or perceived need declined those whose work permits expired and whose classification did not qualify them for renewal was required to quit the territory within a period of three months. Those who did not conform were rounded up and subjected to forced repatriation.
Priority was accorded to those of mixed families who enjoyed a quasi-permanent residence status, however, the least infraction to the laws of the Nation risked expulsion.
Those who refused to return to their ancestral countries or who were refused entry by those countries were conducted to the border of Algharb were they were handed over to the authorities in accordance with the Evian Agreement.
The SRZs, such as the Paris Zone, were the homes to a large number of non-Gallos infiltrators had taken refuge in the hope of finding a new job, hiding from the Enforcement Units of Boublil's Special Security Forces that surveyed the coming and going of all non-Gallos. Their task was easy, the non-Gallos did not need to wear badges - Boublil, as a Jew would not have approved of that - they were easy targets as they always had been, their non-Gallo ancestry was written on their black, brown and yellow faces. A swift scan by the SSF men and their ID tags divulged all including the limit dates of their SSW work permits.
The population pressure in Algharb had become a worry to the le Martel's government. Bin Ibrani's regime had persistently ignored warnings from Paris and had permitted the arrival of large numbers of refugees from the Levant and Settlers from many parts of the Federation, with the population of Algharb reaching alarming proportions.
The Nation was menaced by an increasing number of infiltrators from Algharb and Bernard Pogu who fought le Martel’s secret war against terror on all fronts, feared that terrorists and arms were crossing the frontier. He fought a secret war because censure blocked out all public knowledge of the struggle, though in private Worldweb allowed information to circulate in spite of the elaborate surveillance system operated by Boublil’s services.
The terrorist bombs had the same effect as they always had, fear, anger and revenge, but in the finally count it was resignation that over rode all those sentiments in the face of an unstoppable force, the struggled against a totalitarian regime.
Terrorist organisations existed in Algharb and in France. In Algharb there were several, the Islamist groups who wanted to transform the State into a bridgehead for Islam in Western Europe then there were those who wanted the return of Algharb to France.
In France the Islamist terrorists wanted to undermine the Nation, the Republicans wanted the restoration of the Republic, the Immigrants wanted to return, the anarchists wanted chaos, the Cathos wanted God on earth.
“Can you define what French is? Am I French?”
“No.”
“But I speak French don’t I?”
“Yes, but you are American.”
“Am I? I thought I was Irish!”
“I don’t see what you mean.”
“It’s simple, in the USA every person who arrives has only one idea in his mind and that is to assimilate himself into the USA. It doesn’t mean he rejects his mother tongue or his religion, but what comes first is the USA. In Europe and more in particular that’s the last thing people wanted to do, that wanted to remain Arab or something else. Why? Probably because French society rejected them, but in any case the last thing they felt they were is French.”
Historically the development of terrorism into a non-territorial structure was first recognised with the organisation Al Qaeda in Afghanistan at the beginning of the century. After the defeat of the Talibans, Al Qaeda adopted new tactics spreading its organisation into the Lebanon, Iran, Iraq and the Sudan. There were emanations of all types some with fixed bases where the political conditions allowed it and others whose bases were virtual permitting the terrorist organisations to resist all efforts by the USA to eradicate them or to dismantle their structures.
Al Qaeda and its successors with other terrorist structures had formed an invisible enemy dedicated to the destabilisation of the American Empire.
Migration
It is necessary for us to look at the flow of migrants towards France in the period that led up to the creation of Algharb to understand how the Neo-French came into existence, and the reasons for the events that led up to the revolt.
Until about three decades before the end of the last century non-Gallo settlement had not been a major issue in French political life. The flow of Settlers, drawn by the post WWII boom, had been going on for over two decades, it been to a large degree the concern of a few government departments in consultation with industry, the labour unions and the governments of the Settlers countries of origin. Government had seen the arrival of workers as essentially an economic matter; it had been assumed that those who had arrived in large numbers over the previous twenty five years from North Africa would eventually return home after having accumulated savings in France.
The idea of temporary non-Gallo workers began to change as the settler presence in France continued to grow forcing the government tighten its policy towards permanent settlement. The Yom Kippur War led to an oil crisis and global recession ending the post-war WWII expansion and the French government took measures to halt the uncontrolled arrival of non-Gallos.
The government initially tried to encourage many of the would be Settlers to return to their country of origin by offering financial incentives; the invitation was not taken by the Maghribis. Then when the government proposed forced repatriation they failed to gain parliamentary support.
From that point the Settlers become more and more visible in France, in the past, workers were often men living in hostels separated from the main French population, but as they were joined by their families, or started families, they began to move into the housing estates and working-class neighbourhoods alongside other French families.
Unlike earlier generations of Europeans workers from Poland, Italy or Spain, they were distinguishable by the colour of their skin and by their religion. They were recognisably different, and they obviously had the intention of making France their permanent home.
With their attachment to Arab culture and to Islam, the Maghribi community was seen by many, and especially by the recently founded National Front, as a threat to French national identity, they were cons
idered as culturally inassimilable, and even a menace to French society in the face of rising extremist Islamic movements abroad.
People started to question the growing numbers of Settlers and the threat they posed to social cohesion, they talked of the threshold of tolerance, as their numbers became too high on housing estates. Conflict between the French and the Settlers became inevitable. What in fact happened was that the French little by little quit the housing estates and districts where the settler numbers grew, leading in the long term to huge neglected and poor settler ghettos.
Within a couple of decades, settlement of non-Gallos went from being an economic consideration to a serious social problem that became the centre of all political, cultural and religious debate across France.
A significant question is who were the French? Historically the ancestors of the modern French were a mixture of Celts and Franks who together formed the population of the Roman province of Gaul. Charles Martel, grandfather of Charlemagne, established Frankish authority in the north and then southern Gaul. In 732 he fought and threw back the Muslim Arab invaders from Spain in the battle of Poitiers a turning point in history, since an Arab victory would have meant a Muslim Europe.
Over the centuries France became a crossroads