CHAPTER V.
JOHN DE WITT.
Cornelius and John De Witt were the sons of Jacob De Witt, a citizenillustrious by his patriotism and his learning, and formerly one of theprincipal leaders of the Lowenstein party. That party, representing asit did the republican traditions of the Low Countries, as contrastedwith the military spirit, tended above all to promote the maritimepreponderance that the confederation of the United Provinces wasentitled to enjoy by reason of her geographic position and themercantile genius of her population. Accordingly, the Lowenstein partyhad, for half a century, been opposing the influence of the Orangemen,partisans of the military and hereditary principle of governmentrepresented by the Princes of Orange. The hereditary Stadtholdership,coupled with the functions of captain general of the military and navalforces, was in reality a sort of royalty, qualified, it is true, yetdangerous to the people's liberty. Accordingly, the Lowenstein partycaused the States General to enact a decree which disqualified thePrinces of the house of Orange from holding the Stadtholdership and atthe same time the supreme command of the military and naval forces, andprovided, furthermore, that the said offices were not to be hereditary.Cornelius De Witt, the elder of the two brothers, was born at Dortrechtin 1623, and, at the age of twenty-three was elected a deputy of hiscity and _ruart_ (inspector general of the dikes) in the district ofPutten--an office of great importance in that country where the dikesprotect agriculture, and may, at a critical moment, become an importantmeans of defense by being broken down--a redoubtable piece of strategyin the event of a foreign invasion. Cornelius De Witt, a man of antiquevirtues, and, like his brother, endowed with wide attainments, did notconfine himself to affairs of state. Having since earliest boyhoodapplied his mind to nautical science and become a skilled mariner, hecontributed powerfully with his advice during the present war to thesuccessful attack made by the fleet of Holland upon the English port ofChatham, a victory that was at once disastrous and shameful to theBritish navy. Finally, on the occasion of the naval battle deliveredthis very year to the British and French fleets by Admiral Ruyter in theroadstead of Solway, Cornelius De Witt, seated in his capacity ofcommissioner of the admiralty of the Republic, in an ivory chair at themost perilous post, the rear castle of the admiral's ship, faced withheroic calmness the murderous fire poured upon him by the enemy, andthus witnessed impassibly the glorious combat, the plan for which helaid down in concert with Ruyter.
John De Witt, his brother's junior by over two years, excelled Corneliusas a statesman, and equalled him in civic virtues and courage. Electedabout 1662 Pensionary of Holland, or the executive agent of theRepublic, and thus placed at the head of the government, John De Witt'slove for his country assumed a religious character. He looked upon hisoffice as a ministry. Inaccessible by the natural loftiness of hisnature to the intoxicating allurements of power, that great man'ssimplicity and modesty never were belied by his acts; neither did everhis respect for justice, for duty and for pledged faith falter beforethe pretext of 'necessities of state.' Charged with the diplomaticrelations of the United Provinces, he balked the snares, the perfidiesand the underground manoeuvres of the foreign ambassadors by the mererectitude of his character and the penetration of his judgment. Oneinstance among many, in this great citizen's life, may suffice to depicthim. He inspired such confidence even in his adversaries, that thePrincess of Orange entrusted to him the direction of her son'seducation, aware though she was of John De Witt's hostility to thehereditary Stadtholdership in the house of Orange. The only descendantof that family, destined to become the head of the Orangemen's party,was thus entrusted by the most enlightened of mothers to the care ofJohn De Witt. He watched over the child with paternal solicitude,endeavoring to attune the youthful soul to sentiments of generosity, toinspire him with a love for the Republic that he was to serve as acitizen, and disclosing to him the misfortunes he would conjure up uponhis country if he ever became the instrument of the party that used hisname for a flag. Alas! the efforts of John De Witt failed before theconsummate dissimulation of the morose, frail, sickly, nervous lad, whoseemed ever to be wrapped in himself, who concealed his ardentaspirations under an impassive exterior, and who, when he arrived atman's estate, was this year to repay John De Witt's paternal kindnesswith the blackest ingratitude.
The following was the sequence of events: About six weeks before, JohnDe Witt spent a part of the night in considering affairs of state in hiscabinet at the palace of the States General. Towards two o'clock in themorning he left for home, preceded by a valet bearing a torch.Unexpectedly a band of men, armed with swords and knives, leaped fromambush and fell upon him. He received a saber cut over the neck;although unarmed he struggled bravely and received three more wounds,the last of which was so serious that he fell down upon the pavement.Believing him dead the assassins took to their heels. De Witt succeededin rising to his feet and reaching his residence. The assassins werefour in number--the two brothers Van der Graeff, Adolf Borrebugh, thePost Office Commissioner of Maestricht, and Cornelius De Bruyn, anofficer in The Hague militia. Only one of the two Van der Graeffbrothers could be arrested. The other brother and his two accomplicessucceeded in fleeing to a place of safety--the camp of the young Williamof Orange, who was appointed commandant of the land forces when the warbroke out against France and England. The Prince was summoned to deliverthe murderous assailants of John De Witt. He refused.
From that moment suspicions of William of Orange's complicity in thecrime gathered against him. Only he and his party had an interest in thedeath of John De Witt, who, notwithstanding the disorder that thegovernment was thrown into by the misfortunes of the war, was strivingto avert the dangers with which the Prince of Orange threatened theRepublic from within, while Louis XIV was attacking it from without. Butit was not enough for the Orangemen to have armed assassins against JohnDe Witt; his brother--Cornelius De Witt, the _ruart_ of Putten--was alsoto be disposed of. A horrible scheme was concocted.
Notwithstanding his high office of Grand Pensionary of Holland, John DeWitt, a modest man in his tastes, lived with the utmost simplicity,seeking in the company of his wife and his two daughters Agnes and Marysweet distractions from the cares that weigh upon a statesman. At theperiod of this narrative he was close to his forty-eighth year. His tallstature, his kind yet grave face, his thoughtful mien, imparted to himan imposing appearance. On this occasion he was writing, alone in hiscabinet, a spacious room the walls of which were concealed behind longshelves loaded with books. Above the mantlepiece hung the picture of thefather of the two De Witts--an austere face, painted after the manner ofRembrandt. A table, heaped up with papers, stood in the embrasure of atall window with little square panes of glass held in a lozenge-work oflead, on either side of which were shelves with instruments of physics;for the Grand Pensionary was, like his brother, a lover of the sciences.
Seated at the table, pensive and sad, John De Witt was writing to hisfriend, Admiral Ruyter, the following remarkable letter that bore thestamp of antique simplicity, and in which the plot, concocted by theOrangemen against Cornelius De Witt, was unveiled:
TO ADMIRAL RUYTER:
My dear Sir and good friend:--I have received the letter that you did me the honor of writing on the 25th of last month to express to me your deep sorrow at the wounds that I received. Thanks to God, I am now almost completely healed: Three of the wounds are closed; the fourth, and most painful of all, is on the way to be likewise closed. The envy with which certain malignant people pursue our family has reached such extremes in these unhappy days, that, after attempting to rid themselves of me by assassination, they are now seeking to rid themselves of my brother, the _ruart_ of Putten, through legal process. You will surely have learned that the fiscal attorney has caused him to be arrested by order of the States of Holland, and had him brought here, where he is at present under arrest at the castle. We could not at first surmise the cause, or at least the pretext, for his imprisonment. To-day we know
the plot that has been concocted against my brother. It is this: A surgeon named William Tichelaar accused my brother with unheard of brazenness and impudence of having endeavored to corrupt him with a large sum of money to assassinate the Prince of Orange! My brother, being incapable of conceiving so execrable a scheme, and less still of executing it, I am firmly convinced that, seeing it pleased God to deliver me, as if by a miracle, from the murderous hands that sought to assassinate me, He will not allow innocence to fall a victim to slander and calumny. My brother will doubtlessly escape the snares that are spread against him, as I escaped the daggers of my implacable enemies.
Tichelaar, the informer against my brother, was a short time ago summoned by him, in his capacity of _ruart_ of Putten, before the court of that district to answer the charge of attempted rape. Tichelaar was convicted and a sentence was pronounced fastening upon him the stain of moral turpitude. That man, now branded with infamy, sought to revenge himself against my brother by a horrible calumny. Furthermore, we know from reliable sources the following details: Three weeks ago Tichelaar went to my brother's house at Dortrecht, and requested a private interview with him. My sister-in-law, his wife, having opened the door to the man and admitted him to the house, but fearing (after what had happened to me) that he might have evil designs against the _ruart_, ordered one of the servants to keep near the door of the room, and to be on the alert, should Tichelaar attempt violence against my brother. The servant testified under oath before the court commissioner that having been posted near the door, he heard Tichelaar offer to reveal certain secrets to the _ruart_, to which my brother, knowing Tichelaar for a dishonorable character, answered:
"If what you have to say is something proper, I shall be ready to hear you and give you help; if, however, it is something improper, do not mention it to me; it would be better for you, because I would immediately notify the regency or the court."
The servant further testified that thereupon several words were exchanged, and Tichelaar closed the interview saying:
"Seeing that monsieur does not wish me to reveal my secret to him, I shall keep it for the present, and shall later disclose it to others."
My brother has confirmed the deposition, and Tichelaar's testimony being the only one against my brother, I can not see that there is room to apprehend aught in this affair. I do not doubt that he will be soon set free. There is nothing left to regret but the disturbed condition of the times and the wickedness of our enemies.
For the rest, the capture of the cities situated along the Rhine; the swiftness of the motions of the armies of Louis XIV; their invasion of our territory up the Yssel--all this without hardly meeting any resistance, in fact encouraged by unheard of cowardice, or even infamous treason, have more and more brought home to me the truth of what used to be said of old of the Roman Republic--_Prospera omnes sibi vindicant, adversa uni imputantur_.[1] That is what I am now experiencing. The people of Holland blame me for the disasters and calamities of our Republic, notwithstanding I have never been otherwise than a faithful servant of the country. For these reasons I decided to resign my office of Grand Pensionary. The States had the kindness to grant my request, as you will see from the extract which I forward to you. I have thought it my duty to inform you of my resignation, in order that you may not continue to address me on matters that concern the state, and that you forward all such matters to the Pensionary of Holland and West Friesland, or to his present substitute.
John De Witt was about finishing this letter to Admiral Ruyter when amaid servant entered the room and announced to the ex-Grand Pensionaryof Holland that Monsieur Serdan, together with two other persons, askedto speak with him.
"Let him in!" answered John De Witt. "Never more so than at this momentwas the company of a friend welcome to me."
Monsieur Serdan and his two companions were brought in. One of thelatter was a man of mature age and grey of hair; the other, his son, wasthe young and bold mariner who saved the brigantine St. Eloi, on boardof which was Mademoiselle Bertha of Plouernel, and, a singular accidentthat she was still ignorant of, both men belonged to that old Gallicfamily of Breton extraction of whom Colonel Plouernel made mention inhis manuscript, that Lebrenn family which, successively slave, serf andvassal since the conquest of Clovis, transmitted its own plebeian annalsto its descendants from generation to generation.
Salaun Lebrenn and his son Nominoe, who followed close upon the heels ofMonsieur Serdan, could neither restrain nor conceal their emotion at thesight of John De Witt, the great citizen whom they admired and veneratedeven more than before, after they learned from Monsieur Serdan athousand intimate details concerning the illustrious man.
"My friend," said John De Witt to Serdan after affably responding to therespectful greetings of the two Frenchmen, "these are, I suppose, yourtwo countrymen in behalf of whom you asked me to communicate with thecollege of the admiralty, in order to obtain a secret order and safeconduct, in the event of their vessel's being boarded by one of ourcruisers?"
"Yes, my dear John. As French sailors they have nothing to fear from theroyal squadrons. The pass is only to protect them from the cruisers ofHolland. When day before yesterday I handed you the notes concerningBrittany, confided to me by Monsieur Salaun Lebrenn, the captain of aFrench merchant vessel and resident of the port of Vannes, I informedyou under what circumstances I became acquainted with Monsieur Lebrennat Nantes, three years ago. Identity of views, religion and hopes boundus together since then. A frequent exchange of letters drew us stillcloser together. Monsieur Lebrenn, better than anyone else, is qualifiedto speak upon conditions in Brittany. Both his family and his mercantileconnections enable him to be aware of and to apprise me of the evidencesof discontent in his province, analogous to those that my friend and Iobserved when we crossed Languedoc, Dauphiny, the Vivarais, Guyenne andNormandy. Struck with the significance of the tide of popular discontentinvading the larger part of France, I induced Monsieur Lebrenn to cometo The Hague in order to confer with you, and I placed in your hands hisreport of the grave events of which Brittany is just now the theater. Ineed not add that you may place perfect reliance upon all he says."
"I doubt not. It agrees at all points with other reports that havereached me concerning the political situation in France," answered JohnDe Witt.
And addressing himself to Salaun Lebrenn:
"Yes, monsieur, I have read your report with close and scrupulousattention. The distressing and often horrible facts in which it aboundsare, I am sure, in no way exaggerated. The acts of pillage, of rapineand numerous other unheard-of atrocities which the troops of Louis XIVare at this hour committing in our own provinces, attest but too clearlythe violent and disorderly habits that your armed forces havecontracted at home. In short, monsieur, your report proves to meincontestably that the popular discontent, the progress of which is soglaring in Brittany, is to be attributed to the following causes: to thetaxes, the imposts and the levies raised upon their vassals by theseigneurs and the clergy; to the ill-treatment, the imprisonment andeven the executions mercilessly inflicted upon the vassals, and againstwhich these have no redress, seeing that a large number of seigneurs arevested with supreme powers in their own domains;--to the exactions, theunbridled licence of the seigniorial soldiery, to which the people ofthe cities and the country are alike exposed;--to the profoundirritation of the bourgeoisie of such large cities as Rennes and Nantes,who, whelmed every day with new imposts, find themselves threatened withimminent ruin;--finally, to the no less profound irritation of theBreton parliament, which feels itself outraged by the promulgation,without its sanction, of fiscal edicts which it refuses to register, andwhich are so burdensome that poverty, distress and misery weigh downupon all classes in the province. Such, monsieur, is the succinctsummary of your report, w
hich is supported with facts that are painfullyreal. You add--do you not?--that, according to your own observations,the discontent brought on by the despotism of Louis XIV has reached sucha point that a general uprising is imminent, and may break out at anymoment?"
"Yes, monsieur," answered Salaun Lebrenn; "that is my conviction, whichrests upon a careful study of the people and of affairs."
"Your conclusion seems to me well founded. And yet," observed John DeWitt, "allow me to remind you that at such serious junctures one mustalways be on his guard against illusions--illusions that are all themore excusable, and therefore all the more liable to mislead us, seeingthey are born of generous hopes, of the legitimate desire to put an endto crying abuses."
"You may be certain, monsieur, my wishes do not carry away my judgment,"answered Salaun Lebrenn. "The present state of public opinion inBrittany does offer to our common cause and that of humanity strongchances of success. But I am far from being blind to many an unfavorablepossibility in the event of the impending uprising. Nevertheless, it hasseemed to me opportune to profit by the state of general discontent,and, even if we may not succeed in overthrowing, at any rate seek tocheck the tyranny which is exhausting the energies of France, isdegrading and oppressing the land, and reaches beyond our own borders,inflicting painful blows upon your own Republic, our natural ally. Thetimes are once more proving that, seeing Kings, without consulting theirpeoples, declare war upon whoever interferes with their ambition, orwounds their pride, the people, in their turn, have the right to allythemselves with those who will aid them to break the yoke. Is not thatyour opinion also, monsieur?"
"Yes, indeed," replied John De Witt; "all oppressed peoples have theright, in the name of eternal justice, to ask for help and support froma friendly people against tyranny. To revolt against Kings and to lookfor foreign support is a legitimate act, provided that the support donot hide either on the part of those who accord, or those who receiveit, any project hostile to the integrity of the territory, or theindependence, or the honor of the country. It must be in the interest ofthe freedom of all."
"Yes; and for that reason eternal shame fastens upon the League!"exclaimed Serdan. "The Catholic League in France sought for Spanishsupport in order to exterminate the Protestants, and dethrone Henry IV,who, his vices and deplorable defects notwithstanding, at leastrepresented the French nationality."
"While the League, the Catholic Union, on the contrary, represented theforeigner, the party of Rome, of Spain and of the Inquisition," addedSalaun Lebrenn. "In its hatred of the Protestants and of the spirit ofliberty, the League aimed at a crushing despotism that was to beexercised in the interest of its own members. Did they not nurse theparricidal thought of dismembering France? Did they not scheme to offerthe throne to Philip II, that bigoted monarch whose bloody tyrannystupefied the world? All honor to your ancestors, Monsieur De Witt! Bydint of their sacred revolt they dealt the first blow to the Spanishmonarchy, and they raised, heavily paying therefor with their own blood,this Republic whose existence is now threatened by Louis XIV."
"Your observations are just, monsieur," answered John De Witt. "Yes, tothe eternal glory of Protestantism, which is my faith, the Protestants,having been placed outside the pale of common rights and kept inconstant dread of death, were driven, in the course of the last centuryand of this very century also, to ask for help from their coreligionistsof other countries, in order to defend their families, their hearths,their faith and their threatened lives. But never was their actionstained with any project of aggrandizement at the cost of France! Theirrequest for help always had for its purpose only the triumph of theReformation and the freedom of all! In short, when, oppressed in mind,when physically trampled upon, when plundered of its property, whendeprived of its rights, when persecuted in its faith, a people invokesagainst its tyrant the help of a friendly and disinterested nation, itis not, then, upon the foreigner that it calls but upon its own brothersin the human family."
"My son," said Salaun Lebrenn to Nominoe, "you are still young; we livein evil days; you will no doubt take a part in struggles that are asgrievous as any that our ancestors experienced in past ages, duringwhich they were alternately vanquishers and vanquished. Never forget thenoble sentiments you have just heard uttered by one of the greatestcitizens who can do honor to a republican people. Kings are outside ofthe pale of the law, outside of common rights!"
"Father," answered Nominoe in a moved and serious voice, "the sentimentsI have just heard will forever remain graven in my memory, and likewisewill the memory of the illustrious man that I to-day have the honor ofseeing. I pledge undying hatred to tyranny and royalty."
And, in response to what appeared to him a movement of embarrassment onthe part of John De Witt at the crudity of a praise that seemedexaggerated, the young mariner added:
"Oh, monsieur! Your mind is too lofty, your knowledge of men too soundto mistake for base flattery the sincere enthusiasm that one feels at myage for genius and virtue. If you only knew with what avidity I havelistened to our friend, Monsieur Serdan, when he told us of thesimplicity of your life, which, for so many years, has been consecratedto the service of the Republic, to the defense of its rights, to thepromotion of its power, and to the solidification of its conqueredfreedom! If you only knew how sweet, how wholesome to the soul is thereligious adoration one entertains for great and upright men! howfruitful such admiration is of generous aspirations and braveresolutions! how it redoubles in one the love of justice and the horrorfor iniquity! Oh, Monsieur De Witt, if my admiration wounds yourmodesty, allow me at least to express to you my gratitude for the noblethoughts that your words and your presence inspire me with, for the goodthat you have done to me!" Nominoe uttered these words in a voicetremulous with emotion, and eyes glistening with tears.
"God forfend, young man, that I should question your sincerity,"answered John De Witt touched by the language of Nominoe. "Yes," heproceeded, extending his hand to the young sailor, "yes, you areright--admiration, if not for men, then at least for the principles thatthey represent, is wholesome and fruitful of good! You have expressedthat noble sentiment in such terms that I can not but congratulate yourfather in having such a son. Preserve your vigorous hatred for alltyrants."
Yielding to an involuntary impulse of enthusiasm, instead of claspingthe hand that John De Witt offered him, Nominoe bowed down and, with amotion of almost filial veneration, approached De Witt's hand to hislips. The act was so natural and so touching that his father, MonsieurSerdan and John De Witt felt solemnly impressed.
His eyes moist with tears and filled with ineffable happiness, SalaunLebrenn said to the ex-Pensionary of Holland: "Yes, monsieur, I am ahappy father."
"And now, my friend," resumed Monsieur Serdan addressing John De Witt,"if you entertained any doubt upon the reliableness of the informationtransmitted to you by Monsieur Lebrenn concerning the popular sentimentin Brittany, the lofty sentiments of my worthy friend and his son shouldcause you, I hope, to place full confidence in them."
"Their straightforwardness and nobility of character do, indeed, deservemy full confidence," answered John De Witt. "I shall listen withinterest to any further information that your friends may haveconcerning the political affairs of your country."
"Well, monsieur, this is the actual state of things in Brittany: Astrong portion of the bourgeoisie of Rennes and Nantes, belonging tothe Reformed religion, favors a federative Republic, agreeable to theProtestant traditions of the last century. The majority of the membersof the provincial parliament, of the officeholders, and even a portionof the bourgeoisie, although they execrate Louis XIV, do neverthelesshold to the monarchic form of government, but desire to subordinate thesame to the States General, the sovereignty of which was proclaimed inthe Fourteenth Century by Etienne Marcel. This element desires to reducethe throne to the functions of an executive agent of the nationalassemblies. The nobility and seigneurs are royalists, but they are notnumerous. As to the urban population, you know, monsieur, in what astate of subjec
tion and of calculated ignorance they are held. Weigheddown with taxes, they would rebel against misery and tax collectorssooner than against the King, or the monarchy. The rustic population,which consists mainly of vassals and is exploited and oppressed by theclergy, the seigneurs, the tax collectors and the armed forces quarteredupon them, would also, driven to extremities by misery, revolt againsttheir sufferings, against the seigneurs, against the priests, againstthe tax collectors and against the soldiers, but would remain no lessindifferent to the form of government than the city folks. You see,accordingly, Monsieur De Witt, that I yield to no illusions. As certainas I am of an imminent uprising in Brittany, am I also of itsconsequences. No doubt, the republican form of government, to which yourprovinces owe so much of their power, their prosperity, and greatness,is, in my opinion, the ideal government; but I entertain no hopes ofseeing the same prevail in my country for the present. In fine, I shallgo so far as to say, it is possible, it is even probable that, in casethe insurrection triumph, and that Brittany reconquer, arms in hand, herfreedom and ancient franchises, the victory will be thwarted the verynext day, and she will lose again almost all the fruits of her triumph,owing to the lack of organization and of oneness of view, of abnegation,or of intelligence on the part of the victors themselves. Thisnotwithstanding, the insurrection in Brittany will have favorableconsequences to progress. The King, the nobility and the clergy,frightened by the violence of the popular movement, will feelconstrained, out of fear of new reprisals, to lighten the yoke thatto-day they cause to bear heavily upon our people in general. Suchrelief would be a modest conquest, but it will be sure. Experience willjustify my words. My conviction upon this head is so firm, that neitherI nor my son will hesitate to take part in a struggle in which he and Iwill probably be the first victims, as were so many of our ancestors,who embarked in similar undertakings. But what does that matter? A stepwill have been taken towards the day of ultimate deliverance. This isthe reason, Monsieur De Witt, that I have come to you, in the name ofthe discontented elements of Brittany, to request the moral andfinancial support of the Republic of the United Provinces, in order tocombat the execrable Louis XIV, who is both your enemy and ours."
"My friend," replied John De Witt after listening attentively to SalaunLebrenn's presentation, "last year, at about this time, our friendSerdan returned from a journey through France. Before him, Monsieur RouxMarcilly, a Huguenot captain, an active and observing man, who has manyfriends among the independent members of the British House of Commonsopposed to the French alliance, noticed, just as our friend did, thesprouting germs of the uprising that is to-day imminent. Both asked meat the time whether, in case of an outbreak, it would receive thesupport of the Republic."
"You answered me in the negative," interrupted Monsieur Serdan, "on theground, as you expressed it, that the Republic was bound to Louis XIV bya treaty concluded at a time when there was nothing to indicate thatthat prince would become an oppressor. I foretold you that the alliancewould be observed by you only, but would be trampled under foot by LouisXIV. Have not events confirmed my foresight?"
"It is true--but I would have considered it criminal to forestall oneact of treason by another. The face of things is changed to-day. Inviolation of his oath of renunciation, taken at the time of his marriagewith the Infanta of Spain, Louis XIV has invaded Flanders without cause,broken the alliance by declaring war upon us without the shadow of evena pretext, and suborned England to his aid. The Republic finds itselfnow legitimately entitled to take up arms, and it thereby does an actthat is at once generous and politic, by affording help to the oppressedpeople of France. By these means dangerous complications can beconjured up against Louis XIV within his own kingdom, and furthermore,we would be aiding the French people in their effort to break his yoke,at least to render it less galling. I therefore give you my formalpromise to induce my friends in the Assembly of the States to lend themoral and material aid of the Republic to the people of France. If theyrise against Louis XIV, I promise you arms and funds."
"Oh! father," cried Nominoe with the enthusiastic ardor and presumptuousconfidence of his age; "we shall deal the death blow to despotism! TheRepublic is with us! Commune and Federation!"
Without sharing his son's confidence of success Salaun Lebrenn said toJohn De Witt solemnly: "In the name of so many oppressed people, whowill see, if not the finish, at least a relief of their sufferings, ablessing upon you, monsieur! Once more you show yourself faithful to theprinciple that has guided your whole life. Perhaps our success may turnout greater than I expect, if the Republic gives us a helping hand. Itsmoral and material support, at this season, may now be consideredcertain. Your powerful influence as Grand Pensionary of Holland will bedetermining and decisive in the Assembly of the States."
"Pardon me, monsieur, if I interrupt you. I am no longer the GrandPensionary of Holland."
Serdan, Salaun Lebrenn and Nominoe looked at one another inastonishment. For a moment they stood dumbfounded. Serdan was the firstto recover his speech: "What, my friend! Is what you say possible? Didyou resign your high functions?"
"Just as you came in with your two friends I was finishing this letterto Admiral Ruyter," said John De Witt pointing to the letter on thetable. "I informed the admiral of my resignation from the office ofGrand Pensionary of Holland. Nevertheless, the interview I was to havewith you and your friends was of such importance that, although I nolonger filled my former office, I thought it well to hear you in orderthat, should it seem wise to me, I could assure you of my co-operationas a member of the Assembly, where I have numerous friends. You may relyupon my support."
"Oh! monsieur," said Salaun Lebrenn sadly; "sad presentiments assail me;your withdrawal will prove fatal to the cause of freedom. Yourresignation is a public disaster."
"But what is the reason for your resignation?" asked Serdan. "What,John! The state is in danger!--and at such a moment you resign the highoffice with which you were clad?"
"My friend, so far from serving the Republic, my activity at the presentjuncture would be fatal to it. Be frank," John De Witt proceeded after apause; "you have been back in The Hague only a few days; nevertheless,the change in the public mind regarding myself can not have escaped yourquick eye. Answer me frankly. What is the opinion entertained about meto-day by the people?"
"Well--I must admit it! Your popularity, once unbounded, has beensomewhat impaired--but it is still strong."
"You deceive yourself, my friend; my popularity is completely destroyed.A month ago, when divine providence snatched me from almost certaindeath, those who a short time before would have cursed my assassins, sawin the crime nothing but a providential punishment. They called metraitor--and said the hand of God smote me! These charges of treasonunchained public hatred against my brother and myself. A short while agomy father's house was torn down by a furious mob at Dortrecht; and mybrother--my brother!--one of the most virtuous citizens of the Republic,is at this hour held in confinement, imprisoned as an assassin, upon themere word of a wretch who is smarting under the brand of infamy. Inevertheless hope that, despite the inveterate hatred of our enemies, mybrother's innocence will baffle the infamous calumny."
John De Witt's confidence in the happy issue of the process institutedagainst his brother saddened Serdan's heart. It reminded him of thealarm Monsieur Tilly expressed for the life of Cornelius De Witt. Serdanwas still hopeful, and preferred not to disturb the peace of mind of theex-Grand Pensionary of Holland with the latest tidings. The painfulstate of agitation into which the mind of Nominoe was thrown increasedby the second. He suddenly turned his moist eyes to his father and said:
"The De Witt brothers accused of treason to the Republic! Good God, itis enough to make one despair of humanity! Oh, blind people! Or are youstupid and cruel? Are you ever to be a foe to your most generousdefenders? Will you ever allow them to be dragged to the scaffold?"
"My son, we must never despair of humanity. The people must never beflattered. To do so is to debase it, and to debase oneself.
Its errorsmust be condemned but excused--when they are excusable," put in John DeWitt addressing Nominoe with affectionate reproach. "The people believesme a traitor. I deplore, I pity its blindness more than I condemn it. Itis to be excused--on account of its ignorance."
Nominoe, his father and Serdan contemplated John De Witt inastonishment. The young mariner resumed:
"What, monsieur!--is the people to be excused when it charges you withtreason? Should it not judge you by your acts?"
"And if my acts seem to-day to turn against me overwhelmingly, would notthat explain the people's error with regard to me?"
And John De Witt, responding to a questioning look from Nominoe, added:"Listen, my son, the lesson is grave and instructive--listen. Myfriends, my brother and myself (we are given the name of the 'Frenchparty') now about ten years ago, in 1662, used all our influence withthe Assembly of the States to bind the Republic in a close alliance withFrance, our natural ally, as we considered her. Louis XIV was then quiteyoung; if he exhibited certain foibles of youth, I considered him giftedwith their reciprocal virtues--honesty, generosity, faithfulness to hispledged word. The King pledged himself to assist the Republic in theevent of a war with England, and to respect the territory of SpanishFlanders, in accord with the act of renunciation of the treaty of thePyrenees. But what happened? The increasing prosperity of our commerce,which extends from one end of the world to the other, our maritimepreponderance and our wealth awakened the jealousy and cupidity of ourneighbors; besides, the very existence of our Republic, ever more andmore flourishing, seemed to Louis XIV a dangerous example to his ownpeople. Accordingly, winning England to his side with bribes, he droveher to declare war against us, and, so far from keeping faith with us,and assisting us with his fleets, he not only did not furnish us asingle ship--no, I err, he did send us one, a fire ship--but he left usisolated to struggle with England single-handed, and capped the climaxby finally dropping his mask, and also declaring war upon us, in concertwith England."
Perceiving the indignation marked upon Nominoe's face, John De Wittadded:
"I told you a minute ago, the people was wrong to believe me guilty oftreachery, but the error is pardonable. My acts seem to bear witnessagainst me. When the Republic saw me, my brother and my friends exertall our power to induce it to ally itself with Louis XIV, offeringourselves as a guarantee of the prince's good faith in his promises, theRepublic placed confidence in us, and the alliance was concluded.To-day, we but suffer the consequences of the treason of Louis XIV."John De Witt paused for a moment and then proceeded:
"But however great the iniquity of which I am a victim, do not pity me.My conscience is clear; I know I have lived the life of an honorable manand a good citizen. Should God call me to Him to-morrow, I shall go,serenely, and await his judgment. That, my son, is the moral of thelesson."
As John De Witt was uttering these last words, listened to devoutly byNominoe, Monsieur Tilly entered precipitately into the apartment.