Page 37 of The Last Days

  Investigators were still picking through the crash site. It was unclear whether the men were planning a kamikaze attack (the plane was filled with cases of explosives) or perhaps were planning to land at a small, private airstrip where they’d meet other operatives, or set out on their own.

  As best they could tell, the feds had busted up at least nine terror cells trying to penetrate U.S. borders over the past week. Fourteen men and three women were now in federal custody, and seven more men were dead after battles with federal agents on the borders or in the air.

  “Jonathan, I resent your premise,” Sa’id stated calmly.

  “Fair enough. But it’s not my premise,” Bennett responded. “It’s the president’s.”

  “Nevertheless, it is entirely unfair. It suggests that we must make all the concessions, not the Israelis.”

  “The president isn’t blaming you personally, Ibrahim. He’s blaming Chairman Arafat, and his regime—the very regime that is now out there ripping themselves and your people to shreds. It’s a fair analysis, and it happens to be true.”

  “I’m sorry you feel that way, Jonathan.”

  “I don’t feel that way. Those are the facts.”

  “Look, Jonathan, I want a state. Chairman Arafat wanted a state. Abu Mazen wanted a state. My people want a state. Period. Not tomorrow. Not next year, or three years, or three thousand years from now. We want a state. We want to rule ourselves and live in dignity. That’s all we’ve ever wanted. A state and peace to raise our children. Please don’t insult me by saying the last half century of violence was all our fault.”

  “Ibrahim, it wasn’t your fault at all. It wasn’t the fault of the Palestinian people. But look, it’s simply not true that Arafat and his regime simply wanted a state and peace to raise their children. That’s what you want. That’s what most Palestinians want. But that’s not what Yasser Arafat wanted or he would have taken Barak’s deal.”

  “Mr. Prime Minister,” Bennett now asked Doron, “didn’t your predecessor, Ariel Sharon, agree to a two-state solution? Didn’t he say the occupation couldn’t continue?”

  “He did.”

  “And what about you?”

  Doron took a deep breath. He hadn’t expected being put on the spot so soon. A Palestinian state terrified Doron. Not for ideological or religious reasons. Doron’s concerns were entirely security related.

  A state meant sovereignty. The right to establish an army, air force, and navy. The right to build airports. The right to buy weapons and make treaties and conduct military exercises and so forth. Sa’id seemed like a reasonable person. But who would succeed him? What if the next Palestinian prime minister—or the next after him—cut a deal with Syria? Or the Saudis? Or Tehran? What then? What recourse would Doron’s successor have if he gave away so much so soon? Still, Doron knew the negotiations could very well be over before they really started if he couldn’t give Sa’id a private assurance that a three-year transition would eventually have a payoff to something more substantial.

  “With caveats about secure borders and assuming the terrorists were eliminated and other Arab states were willing to end the embargo against Israel— with all those caveats built in—yes, my government is not opposed to a two-state solution.”

  There. He’d said it. Now the question was, did Sa’id believe it?

  “Director Harris, it’s for you.”

  FBI Director Scott Harris was huddled with Homeland Security Secretary Lee James, Secret Service Director Bud Norris, National Security Advisor

  Marsha Kirkpatrick, and their senior staffs in the White House Situation Room. The president and First Lady were still asleep in the Residence. Those gathered for this meeting had been up most of the night, overseeing the most extensive antiterror campaign in U.S. history, grabbing only an occasional catnap in their offices.

  But this call was urgent.

  “It’s Harris, what’ve you got? You’re sure. All right. Thanks.”

  He hung up the phone and turned to the others.

  “Autopsy report just came in.”

  “And?” asked Kirkpatrick

  “It’s not Ruth Bennett.”

  “They’re sure?”

  “Dental records.”

  “Which means …”

  “You got it,” sighed Harris. “She’s still out there somewhere.”

  The principals reassembled after a fifteen-minute break.

  McCoy handed each man a five-page, single-spaced, typed, and stapled document. It was marked “Confidential” and “Eyes Only.” But it had been vetted before the trip by the vice president and his policy and political team, each member of the NSC—particularly the CIA, Defense, and the State Department Policy Planning Staff—as well as by three former Secretaries of State.

  Bennett suggested he simply give each man an overview and save the substantive discussions for Monday after they’d all had some time to think it over and discuss it with their advisors. Both men agreed.

  A U.S. PROPOSAL FOR PEACE AND PROSPERITY

  The United States offers “A Proposal for Peace and Prosperity” between Israel and the Palestinian Authority.

  We do so in the spirit of United Nations Security Council Resolution 242, passed on November 22, 1967. This calls for the “withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict.”

  Resolution 242 also calls for the “termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgment of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force.”

  Bennett began by stating for the record that Resolution 242 (and its corollary, Resolution 338) had served as the basis of all previous Arab-Israeli negotiations and should continue to do so. He reaffirmed that the president would commence discussions with other countries in the region to enter peace talks with Israel, and that Morocco and Pakistan were already showing a surprising degree of interest. Then he dropped the bomb. He noted that the resolution called for an Israeli withdrawal “from territories occupied in the recent conflict,” not “from all territories occupied.” The distinction was important—land for peace, but not necessarily all the land for peace.

  “My government accepts that there will be controversy on this point,” said Bennett. “And I don’t want to bog down on this point right now. It’s something for the final status negotiations, not this Transition Period. We simply want to acknowledge up front that we’re aware of this controversy and sympathetic to both sides’ points of view.”

  Sa’id wasn’t happy that Bennett had brought it up at all, but for now he let it pass. Grateful the land mine he’d just stepped on hadn’t yet gone off, Bennett continued.

  To this end, the U.S. proposes:

  Phase I—a three-year Transition Period

  Phase II—final status negotiations

  Phase III—signing/implementation of a final Peace Treaty

  Bennett now began outlining the proposed guidelines for the Transition Period.

  A. Coordinating Body

  A Coordinating Body, headed by the United States—in consultation with those Arab States who recognize the State of Israel, and NATO—will be responsible for assisting the Palestinian prime minister and the Palestinian Legislative Council in the planning and formation of a brand-new, democratic government structure. The new government will be known as the Palestinian Administrative Authority (PAA), to distinguish it from its predecessor.

  Every measure possible will be taken by the PAA and the United States government to prevent anyone with ties to terrorism from participating in the new Palestinian government.

  U.S. military and security forces, at the discretion of the president of the United States, will not leave the territories in question until the PAA is deemed by the president of the United States as ready, willing, and able to operate effectively and prevent terror attacks against Israel or elsewhere.


  Neither said a word. Again, Bennett continued.

  B. Administrative Authority

  A Palestinian Administrative Authority will be established in the areas under Palestinian control. The PAA will be responsible for administering the day-to-day lives of the Palestinians in matters such as the economy, police and law enforcement, education, housing, religion, culture, communications, and other sectors.

  The employees of the PAA will be Palestinians who have not been involved, directly or indirectly, in any terror activities.

  The PAA will operate for a Transition Period of at least three years. During this Period, Ibrahim Sa’id will remain the prime minister, and the current members of the Palestinian Legislative Council will remain in place.

  During this Period, the required democratic structures and conditions will be created so as to enable the sides to enter into permanent settlement negotiations at the end of the Period.

  At the end of the Period, free and open elections will be held in these areas. The elections will be administered and overseen by the Coordinating Body, in order to ensure that they are being held in accordance with accepted democratic standards. Only after such elections will final status negotiations be concluded.

  For now, neither Sa’id nor Doron registered an objection or asked a question.

  Sa’id’s interim appointment was only for eighteen months. But he’d insisted upon democratic Palestinian elections as part of his agreement to accept the prime ministership, and the PLC had readily agreed, so that wasn’t likely to be a problem.

  So far, so good. But it was the next section that would set off the fireworks.

  Washington’s focus was now on the FBI field office in Buffalo.

  Special Agent George Polanski took a call from Dorothy Richards, Ruth Bennett’s sister, from her farm in Lackawanna, just south of Buffalo. She was sorry for calling so early, but she was worried. Mrs. Richards explained that she and her husband had attended a New Year’s Eve party at a neighbor’s. It was their first time out of the house since Ruth’s disappearance and they were hoping to let off a little steam. They’d just gotten home and found two voice-mail messages. Both were from their grown children, one in San Diego, the other in Austin, Texas. But when they’d checked their “call log,” they

  found two calls from the 212 area code in New York City. Both were from the same phone, but the number wasn’t one they recognized. The caller ID system had been blocked from the other end.

  Was it Ruth? Was it her kidnappers? Was it a ransom call they’d missed? They had no idea. Cursing themselves for not being home to get the calls, they wrote down the number and called the FBI field office, as they’d been instructed to do if anything unusual came up.

  Polanski immediately dispatched agents to the Richardses’ farm to take a full statement and tap their phones. A colleague began running a trace of the 212 number. Simultaneously, Polanski called the FBI Operations Center in Washington to brief them on the newest development. Nine minutes later, his phone was ringing off the hook.

  “Polanski.”

  “Special Agent George Polanski?”

  “Yeah, who’s this?”

  “This is the White House operator. Please stand by for the president.”

  Polanski couldn’t believe it. He cradled the phone on his shoulder and began rummaging through his desk. He found his bottle of Turns and popped it open. It was empty. Suddenly the president was on the line.

  “Agent Polanski?” Yes, sir.

  “This is Jim MacPherson. How are you today?”

  “Busy, sir. And you?”

  “I’ll bet you are. As you can imagine, I’m taking a special interest in this case. What can you tell me about this phone call to the Richardses’ farm?”

  “Not much sir, I…”

  Polanski’s partner was shoving a yellow legal pad in his face with some scribbles he could barely read.

  “Wait, hold on a moment, Mr. President, I may have something here… .”

  “Take your time, son.” Yes, sir—1…

  “What is it?” MacPherson demanded.

  “You sure this is right?” Polanski asked his partner.

  “Agent Polanski, what have you got?” the president asked again.

  “Sir, we just ran a trace on this number… .”

  “Whose phone is it?”

  “Mr. President, it’s…”

  “It’s what?”

  “Sir… it’s … it’s Jon Bennett’s cell phone.”

  FORTY-ONE

  Bennett hesitated.

  But there was no getting around it. So he braced himself, and dived in.

  C. Security and Terror Prevention Arrangements

  During the Transition Period, the United States will continue to be responsible for overall security, as well as for the freedom of passage in the entire area from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea

  The United States will assist the PAA in recruiting, hiring, training, and deploying police and law enforcement officers. The employees of the new PAA security forces will be Palestinians who have not been involved, directly or indirectly, in any terror activities or the civil war.

  The United States will also assist the PAA in establishing an independent judiciary, including the recruitment, hiring, training, and oversight of judges, prosecutors, and public defenders, all for the purpose of establishing the rule of law and ensuring fair, speedy, and just trials and all manner of legal procedures.

  For security purposes, Israel will have the right to set up transition zones and buffer zones—in cooperation with U.S. forces and PAA leaders—using any appropriate method, to prevent the renewal and resurgence of terror activities.

  It sounded innocuous enough, but Sa’id was furious.

  “Absolutely not—that’s completely unacceptable,” he said instantly and a bit louder than he’d meant to. “Of course I accept Israel’s need for security. But that last part is nothing but a thinly veiled cover for Doron’s illegal and

  immoral ‘security fence’ between our two peoples. We are absolutely and unequivocally opposed to such language, and I can tell you right now, Jonathan, that this is a deal breaker for us.”

  Bennett had been warned in a conference call a few days before with Deputy Secretary (and now acting Secretary of State) Dick Cavanaugh to expect precisely this reaction. But Sa’id was even more heated than Bennett had expected from an old friend.

  It was true that between Israel and the West Bank, the government of Israel was already building a wall some 20 feet high and 220 miles long, including around the 30-mile perimeter of Jerusalem’s municipal boundaries, effectively cutting off East Jerusalem from the rest of the West Bank. This would be combined with a sophisticated network of underground and long-range electronic sensors, unmanned aerial vehicles, trenches, land mines, guard paths and checkpoints reminiscent of Checkpoint Charlie between East and West Berlin during the cold war.

  Eighty-five miles were already complete—at a cost of some $2 million a mile—but Palestinian officials were going ballistic. “This is a fascist, apartheid measure being done, and we do not accept it,” Arafat had told the Israeli newspaper Ha’aretz. “We will continue rejecting it by all means.” Mohammed Dahlan echoed the apartheid theme, telling the Israeli daily Yedioth Aharonot that “this fence will be a fence of hate. The ‘whites’ will be in Tel Aviv and the ‘blacks’ in the West Bank.”

  Doron wasn’t about to be swayed.

  “A security fence is absolutely nonnegotiable,” the Israeli prime minister said quietly. “Look at all the suicide bombers. Look at what’s happening in the territories right now. I simply cannot allow Israeli citizens to be vulnerable to such violence day after day after day. A fence doesn’t solve every problem but it solves many of them. We should have finished it a long time ago.”

  “No, no, I’m sorry, no,” Sa’id responded, careful to control his passion. “You are constructing the Berlin Wall. No matter what you call it, it becomes a de facto political boundary. An
d after you spend a billion dollars on it, are you going to take it down? Of course not. A fence creates facts on the ground that affect the final status. So it’s either one or the other. Either we negotiate our boundaries now, and probably get nowhere, or we negotiate a Transition Period, and no fence.”

  “Whoa, whoa, gentlemen,” Bennett broke in. “You’ve got problems with this section. That’s fine. I promise you we will take all the time it takes to work our way through that mine field. But not today. That starts Monday. Fair enough?”

  It was a serious stumbling block. But they could certainly wait another few days. Both men nodded, reluctantly.

  Now it was the president who hesitated.

  Bennett was in the middle of sensitive negotiations at a critical moment. The last thing MacPherson wanted to do was interrupt whatever momentum the peace talks were beginning to develop, or further distract an already beleaguered Bennett as he guided the two prime ministers through the plan.

  Still, they needed Bennett’s input. Did he have his cell phone with him on the “Mount of Olives”? It wasn’t his White House phone. That had a 202 area code number. It was his GSX phone. Why was he still using it? Had he called his aunt? Twice? Why hadn’t he left a message? Or did someone else have his cell phone? And if so, why?

  A check of phone company records and Bennett’s LUDs—line-usage details—indicated that some calls from the cell phone had been made from Germany. That had to be while Bennett was there in the hospital. Other calls had been made from Orlando. That had to be the two days Bennett was visiting his mom after getting out of the hospital and back to the States. After that, not a single call had been made for almost three weeks until the two calls to Buffalo. Had Bennett given the phone to his mother?

  They needed answers and time was critical. If Ruth Bennett was still alive, the cell phone might now be their only hope. If she wasn’t, the phone could lead the feds to her killers. Scott Harris—standing in the Oval Office with the president, vice president, Marsha Kirkpatrick, and Lee James—could see MacPherson was agonizing over the decision. He tried to take off some of the pressure.