CONSTITUTION (U.S.), Changes in, to Be Made with Care.—In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypotheses and opinion exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypotheses and opinion. And remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian.—Farewell Address. (1796)
CURRENCY, A Strong, Basic to National Well-being.—Every other effort is in vain unless something can be done to restore [the currency’s] credit. Congress, the states individually, and individuals of each state should exert themselves to effect this great end … But it is virtue alone that can effect it.—To Edmund Pendleton. (1779)
DEMOCRACY, Limitation of.—It is among the evils, and perhaps is not the smallest [evil], of democratical governments that the people must feel before they will see; when this happens they are roused to action. Hence it is that this form of government is so slow.—To Henry Knox. (1787)
EDUCATION, Evils of Foreign.—It has always been a source of serious regret with me to see the youth of these United States sent to foreign countries for the purpose of education, often before their minds were formed or they had imbibed any adequate ideas of the happiness of their own, contracting, too frequently, not only habits of dissipation and extravagance, but principles unfriendly to republican government and to the true and genuine liberties of mankind, which thereafter are rarely overcome.—Last Will and Testament. (1799)
FINANCES, Policies for National.—As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear.—Farewell Address. (1796)
FREEDOM, Washington’s Love of.—Born, sir, in a land of liberty, having early learned its value, having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it, having, in a word, devoted the best years of my life to secure its permanent establishment in my own country, my anxious recollections, my sympathetic feelings, and my best wishes are irresistibly excited whensoever, in any country, I see an oppressed nation unfurl the banners of freedom.—To the French minister. (1796)
GOD, Washington’s Life Preserved by.—By the miraculous care of Providence, that protected me beyond all human expectation, I had four bullets through my coat and two horses shot under me, and yet escaped unhurt.—To John Augustine Washington. (1755)
GOD, Washington’s Gratitude to.—Providence has a … claim to my humble and grateful thanks for its protection and direction of me through the many difficult and intricate scenes which this contest has produced, and for the constant interposition in our behalf when the clouds were heaviest and seemed ready to burst upon us.—To Landon Carter. (1778)
I am … grateful to that Providence which has directed my steps, and shielded me through the various changes and chances through which I have passed, from my youth to the present moment.—To the Reverend William Gordon. (1797)
GOD, Intervention of, in Establishing America.—It having pleased the Almighty Ruler of the Universe propitiously to defend the cause of the united American states, and finally, by raising us up a powerful friend among the princes of the earth [i.e., France], to establish our liberty and independence [upon] lasting foundations, it becomes us to set apart a day for gratefully acknowledging the divine goodness and celebrating the important event which we owe to his benign interposition.—General Orders. (1778)
The hand of Providence has been so conspicuous in all this that he must be worse than an infidel that lacks faith, and more than wicked that has not gratitude enough to acknowledge his obligations.—To Thomas Nelson. (1778)
When I contemplate the interposition of Providence, as it was manifested in guiding us through the revolution, in preparing us for the reception of a general government, and in conciliating the good will of the people of America towards one another after its adoption, I feel myself … almost overwhelmed with a sense of the divine munificence.—To the mayor, recorder, aldermen, and common council of Philadelphia. (1789)
No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency.—First Inaugural Address. (1789)
The success which has hitherto attended our united efforts we owe to the gracious interposition of Heaven, and to that interposition let us gratefully ascribe the praise of victory and the blessings of peace.—To the Executive of New Hampshire. (1789)
I am sure there never was a people who had more reason to acknowledge a divine interposition in their affairs than those of the United States; and I should be pained to believe that they have forgotten that agency which was so often manifested during our revolution, or that they failed to consider the omnipotence of that God who is alone able to protect them.—To John Armstrong. (1792)
Without the beneficent interposition of the Supreme Ruler of the universe, we could not have reached the distinguished situation which we have attained with such unprecedented rapidity. To him, therefore, should we bow with gratitude and reverence, and endeavor to merit a continuance of his special favors.—To the General Assembly of Rhode Island. (1797)
GOD, All Nations Should Pay Homage to.—It is the duty of all nations to acknowledge the providence of Almighty God, to obey his will, to be grateful for his benefits, and humbly to implore his protection and favor.—Thanksgiving Proclamation. (1789)
GOD, The Author of All Good.—That great and glorious Being … is the beneficent Author of all the good that was, that is, or that will be.—Thanksgiving Proclamation. (1789)
HONESTY, And Common Sense, Needed for a Nation to Prosper.—It appears to me that little more than common sense and common honesty in the transactions of the community at large would be necessary to make us a great and a happy nation.—To the citizens of Baltimore. (1789)
LIBERTY, Future of, Depends on American Experiment.—The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.—First Inaugural Address. (1789)
MONEY, Borrowing.—There is no practice more dangerous than that of borrowing money.—To Samuel Washington. (1797)
MORAL CHARACTER, Of Greatest Importance.—A good moral character is the first essential in a man…. It is therefore highly important that you should endeavor not only to be learned but virtuous.—To George Steptoe Washington. (1790)
PEACE, And Military Preparedness.—If we are wise, let us prepare for the worst; there is nothing which will so soon produce a speedy and honorable peace as a state of preparation for war.—To James McHenry. (1782)
POLITICAL PARTIES, A Threat to Liberty.—If we mean to support the liberty and independence which it has cost us so much blood and treasure to establish, we must drive far away the demon of party spirit and local reproach.—To Governor Arthur Fenner. (1790)
POLITICS, Washington’s Guiding Principle in.—I have no object separated from the general welfare to promote. I have no predilections, no prejudices to g
ratify, no friends whose interests or views I wish to advance at the expense of propriety.—To James McHenry. (1799)
PRINCIPLE, Will Triumph.—In times of turbulence, when the passions are afloat, calm reason is swallowed up in the extremes to which measures are attempted to be carried; but when those subside and the empire of [reason] is resumed, the man who acts from principle, who pursues the paths of truth, moderation, and justice, will regain his influence.—To John Luzac. (1797)
RELIGIOUS TOLERATION, And Leaving Judgment to God.—Avoid all disrespect to or contempt of the religion of the country and its ceremonies. Prudence, policy, and a true Christian spirit will lead us to look with compassion upon their errors without insulting them. While we are contending for our own liberty, we should be very cautious of violating the fights of conscience in others, ever considering that God alone is the judge of the hearts of men, and to him only in this case they are answerable.—Instructions to Benedict Arnold. (1775)
REPUTATION, The Kind to Seek.—The good opinion of honest men, friends to freedom and well-wishers to mankind, wherever they may be born or happen to reside, is the only kind of reputation a wise man would ever desire.—To Edward Pemberton. (1788)
SHAYS’S REBELLION, Washington’s Reaction to.—I am mortified beyond expression when I view the clouds that have spread over the brightest morn that ever dawned upon any country…. My humble opinion is that there is a call for decision. Know precisely what the insurgents aim at. If they have real grievances, redress them if possible, or acknowledge the justice of them and your inability to do it in the present moment. If they have not, employ the force of government against them at once. If this is inadequate, all will be convinced that the superstructure is bad, or wants support. To be more exposed in the eyes of the world, and more contemptible than we already are, is hardly possible.—To Henry Lee. (1786)
SLAVERY, Abolition of.—There is not a man living who wishes more sincerely than I do to see a plan adopted for the abolition of [slavery]; but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is by legislative authority; and this, as far as my suffrage will go, shall never be wanting.—To Robert Morris. (1786)
SLAVES, Liberated in Washington’s Will.—Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire that all the slaves which I hold in my own right shall receive their freedom.—Last Will and Testament. (1799)
SLAVES, Old and Infirm, Provided for in Washington’s Will.—And whereas, among those who will receive freedom according to this device, there may be some who from old age or bodily infirmities … will be unable to support themselves, it is my will and desire that all … shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my heirs while they live.—Last Will and Testament. (1799)
SLEEP, Rise Early from.—Rise early, that by habit it may become familiar, agreeable, healthy, and profitable. It may for a while be irksome to do this; but that will wear off, and the practice will produce a rich harvest forever thereafter, whether in public or private walks of life.—To George Washington Parke Custis. (1798)
VIRTUE, Public, Needed to Safeguard the Constitution.—The [federal] government … can never be in danger of degenerating into a monarchy, an oligarchy, an aristocracy, or any other despotic or oppressive form so long as there shall remain any virtue in the body of the people.—To the Marquis de Lafayette. (1788)
VIRTUE, And Happiness.—There is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists, in the economy and course of nature, an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness, between duty and advantage, between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity.—First Inaugural Address. (1789)
WASHINGTON (George), Humility of.—I wish … it were more in my power than it is to answer the favorable opinion my friends have conceived of my abilities. Let them not be deceived; I am unequal to the task [of commanding Virginia’s military forces], and do assure you it requires more experience than I am master of to conduct an affair of the importance that this is now arisen to.—To Charles Lewis. (1755)
When I contemplate the interposition of Providence, as it was manifested in guiding us through the revolution, in preparing us for the reception of a general government, and in conciliating the good will of the people of America towards one another after its adoption, I feel myself … almost overwhelmed with a sense of the divine munificence. I feel that nothing is due to my personal agency in all these complicated and wonderful events, except what can simply be attributed to the exertions of an honest zeal for the good of my country.—To the mayor, recorder, aldermen, and common council of Philadelphia. (1789)
WASHINGTON (George), His Devotion to Duty.—You ask how I am to be rewarded for all this? There is one reward that nothing can deprive me of, and that is the consciousness of having done my duty with the strictest rectitude and most scrupulous exactness; that if we should ultimately fail in the present contest, it is not owing to the want of exertion in me.—To Lund Washington. (1780)
WASHINGTON (George), Too Modest to Write His Memoirs.—Any memoirs of my life, distinct and unconnected with the general history of the war, would rather hurt my feelings than tickle my pride while I lived. I had rather glide gently down the stream of life, leaving it to posterity to think and say what they please of me, than by any act of mine to have vanity or ostentation imputed to me…. I do not think vanity is a trait of my character.—To Dr. James Craik. (1784)
WASHINGTON (George), His Attitude Toward Death.—Do not flatter me with vain hopes; I am not afraid to die, and therefore can bear the worst…. Whether tonight or twenty years hence makes no difference; I know that I am in the hands of a good Providence.—Spoken to Dr. Samuel Bard, attending surgeon. (1790)
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