CHAPTER VIII
THE SHADOW CABINET
"All very well, gentlemen! All very well!" repeated the man whosat at the head of the table. "I do not deny anything you say.None the less, the question remains, what were we to do with thiswoman, since she was here? I confess my own relief at this messagefrom our agent, Captain Carlisle, telling of her temporarydisappearance."
As he spoke, he half pushed back his chair, as though in impatienceor agitation over the problem which evidently occupied his mind. Aman above medium height, somewhat spare in habit of body, ofhandsome features and distinguished presence, although with hairnow slightly thinned by advancing years, he seemed, if not bynatural right, at least by accorded authority, the leader in thiscompany with whose members he was not unwilling to take counsel.
Those who sat before him were his counselors, chosen by himself, inmanner ratified by law and custom. They made, as with proprietymay be stated, a remarkable body of men. It were less seemlyopenly to determine their names and their station, since they werepublic men, and since, as presently appeared, they now were engagedon business of such nature as might not be placed in full uponpublic records.
At least it may be stated that this meeting was held in the autumnof the year 1850, and in one of the great public buildings of thecity of Washington. Apparently it was more private than officialin its nature, and apparently it now had lasted for some time. Thehour was late. Darkness presently must enshroud the room. Evennow the shadows fell heavy upon the lofty portraits, the richfurnishings, the mixed assemblage of somewhat hodgepodgedecorations. Twice an ancient colored man had appeared at the doorwith lighted taper, as though to offer better illumination, buteach time the master of the place had waved him away, as thoughunwilling to have present a witness even so humble as he. Throughthe door, thus half opened, there might have been seen in the halltwo silent and motionless figures, standing guard.
Obviously the persons here present were of importance. It wasequally obvious that they sought no intrusion. Why, then, in ameeting so private and so serious, should there come a remark upona topic certainly not a matter of state in the usual acceptance ofthe term? Why should the leader have been concerned over theslight matter of a woman's late presence here in Washington?
As though to question his associates, the speaker turned his glancedown the long table, where sat figures, indistinct in the gatheringgloom. At his right hand, half in shadow, there showed the boldoutlines of a leonine head set upon broad shoulders. Undercavernous brows, dark eyes looked out with seriousness. Halfrevealed as it was, here was a countenance fairly fit to be calledgodlike. That this presence was animated with a brain whosedecision had value, might have been learned from the flitting gazeof the leader which, cast now on this or the other, returned alwaysto this man at the right. There were seven gentlemen of them inall, and of these all were clad in the costume of the day, savethis one, who retained the fashion of an earlier time. His coatmight have come from the Revolution, its color possibly the blue ofan earlier day. The trousers fitted close to massive and shapelylimbs, and the long waistcoat, not of a modish silk, was buff incolor, such as might one time have been worn by Washington himself.This man, these men, distinguished in every line, might have beenstatesmen of an earlier day than that of Calhoun, Clay and Benton.Yet the year of 1850, that time when forced and formal peace beganto mask the attitude of sections already arrayed for a later war,might have been called as important as any in our history.
The ranks of these men at the table, too, might have been calledarranged as though by some shrewd compromise. Even a careless eyeor ear might have declared both sections, North and South, to havebeen represented here. Grave men they were, and accustomed tothink, and they reflected, thus early in Millard Fillmore'sadministration, the evenly balanced political powers of the time.
The headlong haste of both sections was in the year 1850 halted fora time by the sage counsels of such leaders as Clay, in the South,even Webster, in the North. The South claimed, after the close ofthe Mexican War and the accession of the enormous Spanishterritories to the southwest, that the accepted line of compromiseestablished in 1820, by which slavery might not pass north of theparallel of latitude thirty-six degrees, thirty minutes, should beextended westward quite to the Pacific Ocean. She grumbled that,although she had helped fight for and pay for this territory, shecould not control it, and could not move into it legally the slaveswhich then made the most valued part of a southern man's property.As against this feeling, the united politicians had thrown to thehot-headed Southerners a sop in the form of the Fugitive Slave Act.The right for a southern owner to follow and claim his slave in anynorthern state was granted under the Constitution of the UnitedStates. Under the compromise of 1850, it was extended andconfirmed.
The abolitionists of the North rose in arms against this part ofthe great compromise measure; a law which, though constitutional,seemed to them nefarious and infamous. The leaders in Congress,both Whig and Democrat, feared now, therefore, nothing in the worldso much as the outbreak of a new political party, which mightdisorganize this nicely adjusted compromise, put an end to what allpoliticians were fond of calling the "finality" of the arrangement,and so bring on, if not an encounter of armed forces, if not arupture of the Union, at least what to them seemed almost as bad,the disintegration of the two great parties of the day, the Whigsand Democrats.
If compromise showed in this meeting of men from differentsections, it was, therefore, but a matter in tune with the time.Party was at that day not a matter of geography. There existedthen, however, as there exists to-day, the great dividing linebetween those who are in and those who are out. Obviously now,although they represented different sections of the country, thesemen likewise represented the party which, under the adjusted voteof the day, could be called fortunate enough to dwell within thegates of Washington and not in the outer darkness of politicaldefeat.
The dark-browed man at the leader's right presently began to speak.His voice, deep and clear as that of a great bronze bell, was slowand deliberate, as fittingly voicing an accurate mind.
"Sir," he said, "this matter is one deserving our most carefulstudy, trivial though at first blush it would seem. As to thedanger of this woman's machinations here, there is no question. Amatch may produce convulsion, explosion, disaster, when applied toa powder magazine. As you know, this country dwells continuallyabove an awful magazine. At any time there may be an explosionwhich will mean ruin not only for our party but our country. TheFree Soil party, twice defeated, does not down. There is anationalist movement now going forward which ignores theConstitution itself. With you, I dread any talk, any act, of ourown or another nation, which shall even indirectly inflame thenorthern resentment against the fugitive law."
"On that, we are perfectly agreed, sir," began the originalspeaker, "and then--"
"But then, sir, we come to the question of the removal of thisunwelcome person. She herself is a fugitive from no law. She hasbroken no law of this land or of this District. She has a right todwell here under our laws, so long as she shall obey them, andthere is no law of this District, nor this republic, nor of anystate, any monarchy, not even any law of nations, which could beinvoked to dismiss her from a capital where, though unwelcome, shehas a right to remain. I may be unwelcome to you, you to me,either of us to any man; yet, having done no treason, so long as wepay our debts and observe the law, no man may raise hand or voiceagainst us."
"Quite right!" broke in the leader again. "But let us look simplyat the gravity of it. They say it is treason not only against ourown country but against a foreign power which this woman isfomenting. The Austrian attache, Mr. Hulsemann, is altogetherrabid over the matter. He said to me privately--"
"Then most improperly!" broke in the tall dark man.
"Improperly, but none the less, insistently, he said that hisgovernment will not tolerate her reception here. He charges herwith machinations in Europe, under cover of President Taylor
'sembassy of investigation into Hungarian affairs. He declares thatRussia and Austria are one in their plans. That, I fear, meansalso England, as matters now stand in Europe."
"But, sir," broke in the vibrant voice of a gentleman who sat atthe left of the speaker, concealed in the shadow cast by the heavywindow drapings, "what is our concern over that? It is our boastthat this is a free country. As for England, we have taken hermeasure, once in full, a second time at least in part; and as forAustria or Russia, what have we to do with their territorialdesigns? Did they force us to fight, why, then, we might fight,and with proper reason."
"True again, sir!" said the leader, recognizing the force of themurmur which greeted this outburst. "It is not any of these powersthat I fear. They might bluster, and still not fight; and indeedthey lack any rational cause for war. But what I fear, what all ofus fear, gentlemen, is the danger here, inside our own walls,inside our own country."
Silence again fell on all. They looked about them, as though evenin this dimly lighted room they felt the presence of that ominousshadow which lay over all the land--the menace of a divided country.
"That is the dread of all of us," went on the leader. "The warwith Mexico showed us where England stands. She proved herselfonce more our ancient enemy, showed that her chief desire is tobreak this republic. Before that war, and after it, she hascultivated a friendship with the South. Why? Now let theabolitionist bring on this outbreak which he covets, let the Northand South fly at each other's throats, let the contending powers ofEurope cross the seas to quarrel over the spoils of our owndestruction--and what then will be left of this republic? And yet,if this compromise between North and South be broken as all Europedesires, and as all the North threatens, precisely those matterswill come hurrying upon us. And they will find us divided,incapable of resistance. That is the volcano, the magazine, overwhich we dwell continually. It passes politics, and puts us aspatriots upon the question of the endurance of our republic.
"And I tell you now, gentlemen," he concluded, "as you know verywell yourselves, that this woman, here in Washington, would holdthe match ready to apply to that magazine. Which of you does notsee its glimmering? Which of you doubts her readiness? There wasnot twenty-four hours to argue the matter of her--her temporaryabsence. We'd have had Austria all about our ears, otherwise.Gentlemen, I am mild as any, and most of any I am sworn to obey thelaws, and to guarantee the safeguards of the Constitution; but Isay to you--" and here his hand came down with an emphasis unusualin his nature--"law or no law, Constitution or no Constitution, anexigency existed under which she had to leave Washington, and thatupon that very night."
"But where is she now?" ventured another voice. "This young armycaptain simply says in his report that he left her on the _MountVernon_ packet, en route down the Ohio. Where is she now; and howlong before she will be back here, match in hand?"
"It is the old, old case of Eve!" sighed one, who leaned a bony armupon the walnut, and who spoke in the soft accents which proclaimedhim of the South. "Woman! It is only the old Garden over again.Trouble, thy name is Woman!"
"And specifically, its name is Josephine, Countess St. Auban!"drawled another, opposite. A smile went around among these graveand dignified men; indeed, a light laugh sounded somewhere in theshadow. The face of the leader relaxed, though not sufficiently toallow light comment. The dark man at the right spoke.
"The great Napoleon was right," said he. "He never ceased to provehow much he dreaded woman at any juncture of public affairs.Indeed, he said that all the public places of the government shouldbe closed to them, that they should be set apart and distinguishedfrom the managers of affairs."
"And so do we say it!" broke in the leader. "With all my heart, Isay it."
The tall man bowed, "It was the idea of Napoleon that woman shouldbe distinguished always by a veil and gown, a uniform ofunworthiness and of danger. True, Napoleon based his ideas on hisstudies in the Orient. Us he accused of treating woman much toowell. He declared woman, by virtue of her birth, to be made asman's inferior and his slave, and would tolerate no otherconstruction of the relation of the sexes. According to Napoleon,women tyrannize over us Americans, whereas we should tyrannize overthem. It was plain, in his conception, that the main province ofwoman is in making fools of men."
"In some ways, Napoleon was a thoughtful man," remarked, a voice tothe left; and once more a half subdued smile went around.
"I yield to no man in my admiration for the fair sex--" began thetall, dark man. The smile broke into open laughter. The leaderrapped sharply on the table edge, frowning. The tall man bowedonce more, as he resumed.
"--but, viewed from the standpoint, of our diplomacy, the matter hereis simple. Last week, at the reception where the representatives ofAustria were present this woman appeared, properly introduced,properly invited, it is true, but wholly unwelcome socially, incertain quarters. The attache and his wife left the roof, and madeplain to their host their reasons for doing so."
"Yes, and it was public shame that they should take such action.The woman had the right of her host's protection, for she was thereby invitation!" Thus the bony man in the shadows.
Again the leader rapped on the table. "Gentlemen, gentlemen!" hebegan, not wholly humorously. "Let us have a care. Let us atleast not divide into factions here. We all of us, I trust, canremember the case of Peggy O'Neil, who split Washington asunder notso long ago. She was the wife of one of President Jackson'scabinet members, yet when she appeared upon a ball-room floor, allthe ladies left it. It was Jackson and Eaton against the world.That same situation to-day, granted certain conditions, might meana war which would disrupt this Union. In fact, I considerJosephine St. Auban to-day more dangerous than Mrs. Eaton at herworst."
"But we have just heard what rights we have before the law, sir,"ventured a hesitating, drawling voice, which had earlier beenheard. "How can we take cognizance of private insult given by aforeign power in only quasi-public capacity? I conceive it to besomewhat difficult, no matter what the reception in the society ofWashington, to eject this woman from the city of Washington itself;or at least, very likely difficult to keep her ejected, as you say,sir."
"Where should she go?" demanded yet another voice. "And why shouldshe not come back?"
Impatiently, the leader replied: "Where? I do not know. I do not_want_ to know. I _must_ not know! Good God, must we not bearourselves in mind?"
"Then, sir, in case of her sudden return, you ask an agent?" said akeen, clear, and incisive voice, which had not yet been heard."Gentlemen, shall we cast lots for the honor of watching theCountess St. Auban in case of her undesired return?"
The grim demand brought out a hasty protest from a timid soul: "Tothat, I would not agree." A sort of shuffle, a stir, a shifting inseats seemed to take place all about the table.
"Very well, then," went on the clear voice, "let us employeuphemism in terms and softness in methods. If we may not againkidnap the lady, why may we not bribe her?"
"It could not be done," broke in the dark man toward the head ofthe table. "If I know the facts, this woman could not be boughtfor any ransom. She has both station and wealth accorded her, sothe story goes, for some service of her family in the affairs ofFrance. But she will none of monarchies. She turned democrat,revolutionist, in France, and on the hotter stage of Hungary--andso finally sought this new world to conquer. She is no artlessmiss, but a woman of the world, brilliant and daring, with ideas ofher own about a world-democracy. She is perhaps devout, orpenitent!"
"Nay, let us go softly," came the rejoinder from the shadows."Woman is man's monarch only part of the time. We need some manwho is a nice judge of psychological moments and nicely suitedmethods. We stand, all of us, for the compromise of 1850. Thatcompromise is not yet complete. The question of this unwelcomelady still remains to be adjusted. Were Mr. Clay not quite so old,I might suggest his name for this last and most crucial endeavor ofa long and troublous life!"
&n
bsp; "By the Eternal Jove!" broke in the dark man at the right, shakingoff the half-moodiness which had seemed to possess him. "When itcomes to wheedling, age is no such bar. I call to mind one man whocould side with Old Hickory in the case of Mrs. Peggy Eaton. Imean him whom we call the Old Fox of the North."
"He was a widower, even then, and hence immune," smiled the manacross the table. "Now he is many years older."
"Yet, none the less a widower, and all the more an adjuster of nicematters. He has proven himself a politician. It was his accidentand not his fault not to remain with us in our party! Yet I happento know that though once defeated for the presidency and twice forthe nomination, he remains true to his Free Soil beliefs. It hasjust occurred to me, since our friend from Kentucky mentions it,that could we by some fair means, some legal means--some means ofadjustment and compromise, if you please, gentlemen,--place thisyoung lady under the personal care of this able exponent of the_suaviter in modo_, and induce him to conduct her, preferably tosome unknown point beyond the Atlantic Ocean, there to lose herpermanently, we should perhaps be doing our country a service, andwould also be relieving this administration of one of its gravestconcerns. Best of all, we should be using a fox for a cat's-paw,something which has not often been done."
The matter-of-fact man who presided straightened his shoulders asthough with relief at some sign of action; yet he did not relax hisinsistent gravity sufficiently to join the smile that followed thissally.
"Let us be sure, gentlemen, of one thing at a time," he resumed."As we come to this final measure suggested by our friend fromKentucky, I am at a loss how further to proceed. What we do cannot be made public. We can not sign a joint note asking thisdistinguished gentleman to act as our intermediary."
"At the time of the ratification of the Constitution by theconvention of 1787," began the dark man who had earlier spoken,"there arose a difficulty as to the unanimity of those signing. Atthe suggestion of Doctor Franklin and Mr. Gouverneur Morris, therewas a clause added which stated that the Constitution was signed'_as by the states actually present_,' this leaving the individualsigners not personally responsible! I suggest therefore, sir, thatwe should evade the personal responsibility of this did you put itto the vote of the _states_ represented here."
"I rely upon the loyalty and the unanimity of my family," repliedthe leader, with more firmness than was wont. "Gentlemen, are wethen agreed? Does Massachusetts consent? Is Virginia with us? IsNew York agreeable? Does Kentucky also agree?"
There was no murmur of dissent, and the leader, half rising,concluded;
"Gentlemen, we agreed four days ago that the Countess St. Aubanshould leave Washington not later than that night. We are nowagreed that, in case of her return, she shall if possible be placedunder the charge, not of any responsible figure of _our_ party, butof a gentleman distinguished in the councils of an _opposing_party, whose abolitionist beliefs coincide somewhat with her own.Let us hope they will both get them to Missouri, the debatingground, the center of the political battle-field to-day. But,Missouri or Hungary, Kentucky or France, let us hope that one orboth of them shall pass from our horizon.
"There remains but one question, as earlier suggested by Kentucky:if we agree upon New York as our agent, who shall be our emissaryto New York, and how shall he accomplish our purpose with thatgentleman? Shall we decide it by the usual procedure ofparliamentary custom? Do you allow the--the Chair--" he smiled ashe bowed before them--"to appoint this committee of one? I supposeyou agree that the smaller the committee and the more secret thecommittee's action, the better for us all?"
There was silence to this. A moment's hesitation, and the speakerannounced his decision. "The gentleman from Kentucky is appointedto execute this task for the people of the United States. Let ushope he never will have need to serve."
It cost the self-control of some to remain silent at this, and thecourage of the remaining member also to preserve the silence whichmeant his acceptance of a task so difficult and distasteful.
"Sir," hastily went on the original speaker, "our thanks are due toyou. We shall limit you with no instructions. All the moneyrequired by you as agent, or required by your agent, shall ofcourse be forthcoming, and you shall quietly have also theassistance of all the secret service, if so desired. None of usmust know what has become of the Countess St. Auban, now or later.You have heard me. Gentlemen, we adjourn."
He stepped now to the door, and admitted the ancient colored man,with his lights. The curtains were drawn, shutting out even thetwilight gloom. And now the lights blazed up, illuminating anhistoric stage.
The chief of the deliberations now became the host, and motionedhis guests to the corner of the apartments where stood a longsideboard of dark mahogany, bearing different crystal decanters.Himself refraining, as did one or two others, he passed glasses,motioned to the ancient colored man, and, raising his own hand,proposed them a toast.
"Gentlemen,--the Union!"
They bowed to him ceremoniously, each in his way, with reverence,touching lips to his glass. As they parted, one for a moment stoodalone, the dark man who had sat at the speaker's right. For amoment he paused, as though absorbed, as finally he set down hisglass, gazing steadily forward as though striving to read what layin the future.
"The Union!" he whispered, almost to himself.
It might have been the voice, as it was the thought of all thosewho, now passing, brought to a close this extraordinary meeting.
The Union!