CHAPTER XVIII. STATECRAFT

  It was a cabinet council; they were met in Lady Dorothea's boudoir,Martin and Mr. Repton being summoned to her presence. A letter had thatmorning reached her Ladyship from a very high quarter; the writer wasthe Marquis of Reckington, a very distant connection, who had suddenlybeen graciously pleased, after a long interval of utter obliviousness,to remember that Lady Dorothea was his relative, and yet living!Whatever pride her Ladyship might have summoned to her aid to repel theslights or impertinences of the vulgar, she displayed a most Christianforgiveness as she broke the seal of an epistle from one who had leftseveral of her own without answers, and even replied to her applicationfor a staff appointment for her son, by a cold assurance that these weretimes when "nothing but fitness and superior qualifications entitled anyman to advancement in the public service." Oh dear, were there ever anyother times since the world was made! Is not merit the only passport toplace, and high desert and capacity the sole recommendation to favor? Ofall the immense advantages of a representative government, is there anymore conspicuous than the unerring certainty with which men of abilityrise to eminence without other aid than their own powers; and that, ina system like ours, family influence, wealth, name, connections,and parliamentary support are just so much mere dross? If any one beincredulous of the virtue of public men, let him only ask for a place;let him entreat his great friend--everybody has at least onegreat friend--mine is a coroner--to make him a Junior Lord, or aVice-Something, and see what the answer will be. Polite, certainly;nothing more so; but what a rebuke to self-seeking!--what a sternchastisement to the ignorant presumption that places are awarded bymeans of favor, or that the public service is ever filled through thechannels of private influence! Far from it. He is told that our age isan incorruptible one, that ministers pass sleepless nights in balancingthe claims of treasury clerks, and that Lord Chancellors suffer agoniesin weighing the merits of barristers of six years' standing. "We havebut one rule for our guidance: the best man in the best place." Ahigh-sounding maxim, which it would be excessively uncivil to disparageby asking what constitutes "a best man." Is he some unscrupulouspartisan, who first gave his fortune, and afterwards his fame, to thesupport of a party? Is he the indisputable disposer of three, or perhapsfour votes in the House? Is he a floating buoy to be anchored ineither roadstead of politics, and only to be secured to either, fora consideration? Is he the dangerous confidant of some damagingtransaction? Or is he the deserter from a camp, where his treason maysow disaffection? These several qualifications have ere this served tomake up "a best man;" and strangely enough, are gifts which fit him forthe Army, the Navy, the Home Service, or the Colonies.

  Let us turn from this digression, into which we have fallen halfinadvertently, and read over some parts of Lord Reckington's letter. Itwas somewhat difficult to decipher, as most great men's letters are, anddisplayed in more than one place the signs of correction. Although ithad been, as we have said, a very long time since any correspondence hadoccurred between the "cousins," his Lordship resumed the intercourse asthough not a week had intervened. After a little playful chiding overthe laxity of her Ladyship's writing habits,--three of hers had beenleft unreplied to,--and some of that small gossip of family changes andevents, never interesting to any but the direct actors, his Lordshipapproached the real topic of his letter; and, as he did so, his writinggrew firmer, and larger and bolder, like the voice of a man who spoke ofwhat truly concerned him.

  "I thought, my dear Dora, I had done with it all. I flattered myselfthat I had served my time in public capacities, and that neitherthe Crown nor its advisers could reasonably call upon me for furthersacrifices. _You_ know how little to my taste were either the cares orambitions of office. In fact, as happens to most men who are zealous forthe public service, my official career imposed far more of sacrificesthan it conferred privileges. Witness the occasions in which I wasdriven to reject the claims of my nearest and dearest friends, incompliance with that nervous terror of imputed favoritism so fatal toall in power! I thought, as I have said, that they had no fair claimupon me any longer. I asked nothing; indeed, many thought I was wrongthere. But so it was; I quitted office without a pension, and withouta ribbon! It was late on a Saturday evening, however, when a Cabinetmessenger arrived at 'Beech Woods' with an order for me to repairat once to Windsor. I was far from well; but there was no escape.Immediately on arriving I was summoned to the presence, and before I hadpaid my respects, his Majesty, who was much excited, said, 'Reckington,we want you. You must go to Ireland!' I believe I started, for he wenton, 'I 'll have no refusal. There is but one settlement of this questionthat I will accept of. You shall go to Ireland!' The King then enteredwith considerable warmth, but with all his own remarkable perspicuity,into a detail of late changes and events in the Cabinet. He wasexcessively irritated with B------, and spoke of G------as one whom henever could forgive. He repeatedly said, 'I have been duped; I have beentricked;' and, in fact, exhibited a degree of emotion which, combinedwith the unbounded frankness of his manner towards me, affected mealmost to tears. Of course, my dear Dora, personal considerations ceasedat once to have any hold upon me; and I assured his Majesty that theremainder of my life was freely at his disposal, more than requited, asit already was, by the precious confidence he had that day reposed inme. I must not weary you with details. I accepted and kissed hands asViceroy on Monday morning; since that I have been in daily communicationwith G------, who still remains in office. We have discussed Irelandfrom morning to night, and I hope and trust have at last come to athorough understanding as to the principles which must guide the futureadministration. These I reserve to talk over with you when we meet; nordo I hesitate to say that I anticipate the very greatest benefit in thefruits of your long residence and great powers of observation of thisstrange people." The letter here went off into a somewhat long-windedprofession of the equal-handed justice which was to mark the acts ofthe administration. It was to be, in fact, a golden era of equity andfairness; but, somehow, as codicils are occasionally found to revoke thebody of the testament, a very suspicious little paragraph rather damagedthis glorious conclusion. "I don't mean to say, my dear coz., that weare to neglect our followers,--the Government which could do so neveryet possessed, never deserved to possess, able support; but we mustdiscriminate,--we must distinguish between the mere partisan who tradeson his principles, and that high-minded and honorable patriot who giveshis convictions to party. With the noisy declaimer at public meetings,the mob-orator or pamphleteer, we shall have no sympathy. To the worthycountry gentleman, independent by fortune as well as by principle,extending the example of a blameless life to a large neighborhood,aiding us by his counsels as much as by the tender of his politicalsupport,--to him, I say, we shall show our gratitude, not grudgingly norsparingly, but freely, openly, and largely. You now know in what rankswe wish to see our friends, in the very van of which array I reckon uponyourself." We shall again skip a little, since here the writer divergedinto a slight dissertation on the indissoluble ties of kindred, and thelinks, stronger than adamant, that bind those of one blood together.After a brief but rapid survey of the strong opposition which was tomeet them, he went on: "Of course all will depend upon our parliamentarysupport; without a good working majority we cannot stand, and for thismust we use all our exertions." A few generalities on the comfort andsatisfaction resulting from "safe divisions" ensued, and then came theapparently careless question, "What can _you_ do for us? Yes, my dearDora, I repeat, what can _you_ do for us? What we need is the support ofmen who have courage enough to merge old prejudices and old convictionsin their full trust in us; who, with the intelligence of truestatesmanship, will comprehend the altered condition of the country, andnot endeavor to adapt the nation to _their_ views, but rather _their_views to the nation. In a word, a wise and liberal policy, not basedupon party watchwords and antiquated symbols, but on the prospect ofseeing Ireland great and united. Now, will Martin come to our aid inthis wise? He ought to be in Parliament for his coun
ty. But if he be tooindolent, or too happy at home, whom can he send us? And again, what ofthe borough? They tell me that Kilcock, seeing his father's great age,will not stand where a contest might be expected, so that you mustnecessarily be prepared with another."

  Again the writer launched out upon the happiness he felt at being ableto appeal thus candidly and freely to his own "dearest kinswoman,"inviting her to speak as frankly in return, and to believe that nopossible difference of political opinion should ever throw a coldnessbetween those whose veins were filled with the same blood, and whosehearts throbbed with the same affections. Her Ladyship's voice slightlyfaltered as she read out the concluding paragraph, and when she laid theletter down, she turned away her head and moved her handkerchief to hereyes.

  As for Martin, he sat still and motionless, his gaze firmly directedto Repton, as though seeking in the impassive lines of the old lawyer'sface for some clew to guide and direct him.

  "You used to be a Tory, Martin?" said Repton, after a pause.

  "Yes, to be sure, we were always with that party."

  "Well, there's an end of them now," said the other. "What's to followand fill their place, my Lord Reckington may be able to say; I cannot.I only know that _they_ exist no longer; and the great question foryou--at least, one of the great questions--is, have you spirit enough tojoin a travelling party without knowing whither they 're journeying?"

  "And what may be the other great question, sir?" asked Lady Dorothea,haughtily.

  "The other is, what will it cost in money--ay, my Lady, in money;because any other outlay will not require searches nor title-deeds,loans, mortgages, nor bond-debts."

  "To contest the county would cost ten thousand pounds; Scanlan says so,"rejoined Martin.

  "And the borough?" asked Repton.

  "A few hundreds would suffice; at least, they have done so hitherto."

  "Then remain content with the cheap luxury of the borough," said Repton."You don't want anything from these people, Martin. You don't covet apeerage; you would n't accept a baronetcy. You remember what Langtonsaid when told that the King was going to give him the 'Red Hand.' 'If Ihave been unfortunate enough to incur his Majesty's displeasure, I mustdeplore it deeply; but surely my innocent son should not be includedin the penalty of my offence. Therefore, in all humility, I beseech andentreat the royal favor to commute the sentence into knighthood, so thatthe disgrace may die with me.'"

  "There were times when such insolence would have cost him dearly," saidher Ladyship, sternly.

  "I am not sorry that we don't live in them, my Lady," replied Repton."But to return: as I was saying, you ask for no favors; why shouldyou expend ten or fifteen thousand pounds to advocate views of whosetendencies you know nothing, and principles whose very meaning you arein ignorance of?"

  "I anticipated every word of this," said Lady Dorothea. "I told Mr.Martin, this morning, almost literally, the exact advice you'd proffer."

  "I am proud that your Ladyship should have read me so justly," saidRepton, bowing.

  An insolent toss of her head was the significant answer to this speech.

  "But were I to speak my mind more candidly, I 'd even say, let theborough go after the county; and for this plain reason," said Repton,speaking with increased firmness and animation, "you neither seekfor the ambition of political life, nor want to make a trade of itscasualties."

  "Is it not possible, sir, that we might desire the natural influencethat should arise out of our station in society and our rank in thiscounty?" said Lady Dorothea, proudly.

  "And your Ladyship has it, and can never lose it. Having a vote ortwo to throw into a Ministerial division would never repay you for theanxieties and cares of contested elections. Ah, my Lady, what do _you_care for the small flatteries of London attentions?"

  "We should have these, sir, as our right," broke she in.

  "To be sure you would, and much happiness do I hope they would confer,"added he, in a tone only overheard by Martin; then continued aloud: "Asto the patronage at your disposal, would you take a present of it? Whomdo you want to make tide-waiters, gaugers, barony-constables, oreven clerks of the peace? Of all men living, who is so free of hungrydependants or poor relations!"

  "I must say, sir, that you reduce the question of political support toa very intelligible one of material benefit," said her Ladyship, with asneer; "but, just for argument sake, imagine that there should be such athing as a little principle in the matter."

  "I'm going to that part of the case, my Lady," said Repton. "Martin is aTory; now, what are the men coming into power? I wish you could tellme. Here, for instance, is one of their own journals,"--and he openeda newspaper and ran his eye over the columns,--"ay, here it is: 'Withregard to Ireland, Lord Reckington's appointment as Viceroy is the bestguarantee that the rights of Irishmen of every persuasion and everydenomination will be respected.' So far so good;" and he read on in alow, humdrum voice for some minutes, till he came to the following: "'Noprivileged class will any longer be tolerated; no exceptional loyaltyadmitted as an excuse for insufferable oppression and tyranny; thewishes and benefits of the people--the real people of that country--willat length enter into the views of an administration; and Ireland as sheis,--not the possible Ireland of factious enthusiasts,--be governed bymen determined to redress her grievances and improve her capacities.'Now, Martin, you want no augur to interpret that oracle. They are goingto rule you by the people; but the people must be represented.

  "Now, who represents them? Not the demagogue; he is merely their tool.The real representative is the priest; don't laugh, my dear friend, atsuch a shadowy possibility; the thing is nearer than you dream of. Noadministration ever yet tried to govern Ireland except by intimidation.The Beresfords were undertakers once, and they did their work very well,let me tell you; they advanced their friends and whipped their enemies;and what with peerages for one set, and pitched caps for the other, theyruled Ireland. Then there came the Orangemen, who rather blundered theirwork; there were too many heads amongst them, and the really cleverfellows were overborne by brawling, talkative fools, who always had themasses with them because they _were_ fools. Still they ruled Ireland.They preserved the country to the King's crown; and I say once more,that was no small matter. And now we have arrived at a new era; wehave obtained Emancipation, and must look out for another stamp ofadministrators, and I see nothing for it but the priest. Of course you,and every man of your station, sneer at the notion of being dictatedto by Father Luke, in the greasy leather small-clothes and dirty blackboots,--only, himself, a cottier once removed, a plant of thewild growth of the fields, cultivated, however, in the hotbeds ofMaynooth,--a forcing-house whose fruits you are yet to taste of! Sneeraway, Martin; but my name is not Val Repton if those men do not ruleIreland yet! Ay, sir, and rule it in such a fashion as your haughtyBeresfords and Tottenhams, and Tisdalls never dreamed of! They 'll treatwith the Government on equal terms,--so much, for so much; and, what'smore, it won't be higgling for a place here, or a peerage there; butthey'll have the price paid down in hard legislative coin,--Acts ofParliament, sir; privileges for themselves and their order, benefits to'the Church;' and, when nothing better or more tempting offers, insultsand slights to their antagonists. You, and all like you, will be passedover as if you never existed; the minister will not need you; you'll beso many general officers on the retired list, and only remarked when youswell the crowd at a levee."

  "So, sir, according to this special prediction of yours, we have nothingleft us but to live on our estates, enjoy what we can of our fortunes,and leave the interests of the nation to those our inferiors in rank,station, and property?"

  "Such a period as your Ladyship has pictured forth--a little strongly,perhaps--is before you. Whether the interval be destined to be long orshort, will, in great measure, depend upon yourselves."

  "That agrees with what Scanlan said the other day," said Martin.

  "Scanlan!" echoed her Ladyship, with most profound contempt.

  "Who is this Scanlan?"
asked Repton.

  "There he comes to answer for himself," said Martin. "The fellow drivesneatly. See how cleverly he swept round that sharp turn! He may be 'atfault' about the world of politics; but, _my_ word for it! he is a rarejudge of a hack."

  "And, now that you suggest it," said Repton, musingly, "what aninstinctive shrewdness there is on every subject,--I don't care what itis,--about fellows that deal in horse flesh. The practice of buyingand selling, searching out flaws here, detecting defects there, givesa degree of suspectful sharpness in all transactions; besides that,really none but a naturally clever fellow ever graduates in the stable.You smile, my Lady; but some of our very first men have achieved thetriumphs of the turf."

  "Shall we have Scanlan in and hear the news?" asked Martin.

  "Not here. If you please, you may receive him in the library or your ownroom."

  "Then, come along, Repton. We can resume this affair in the afternoon orto-morrow." And, without waiting for a reply, he passed his arm withinthe other's, and led him away. "You have been too abrupt with her,Repton; you have not made due allowances for her attachment to familyinfluences," said he, in a whisper, as they went along.

  Repton smiled half contemptuously.

  "Oh, it's all very easy for you to laugh, my dear fellow; but, trust me,there's nothing to be done with my Lady in that fashion."

  "Turn the flank,--eh?" said the old lawyer, slyly. "Ah, Martin, don'tteach _me_ how to deal with humanity. If you have not the courage totell your wife that your estate cannot bear fresh encumbrances, newloans, and new debts--"

  "Hush!" said Martin, cautiously.

  "Then, I say, let me prevent the casualty, that's all."

  "How are you, Scanlan?" said Martin, as the attorney came, bowing andsmiling, forward to pay his respects. "My friend, Mr. Repton, wishes tomake your acquaintance."

  "I have the honor of being known to Mr. Repton, already, sir, if he hasnot forgotten me."

  "Eh,--how? where?" cried the lawyer, sharply.

  "In Reeves _versus_ Dockery, and another, sir, in Hilary, 24. It was _I_supplied the instructions--"

  "To be sure,--perfectly right. Maurice Scanlan; isn't that the name?You did the thing well, sir; and if we failed, we retreated withoutdishonor."

  "That was a grand shot you fired at the Bench, sir, when all was over,"said Scanlan. "I don't suppose they ever got such a complete 'set down'before."

  "I forget it," said Repton, but with a bright twinkle of his eye, whichmore than contradicted his words.

  "Then, sir, it's more than their Lordships ever will," said Scanlan."The Chief Baron it was," said he, addressing Martin, "that overruledevery objection made by Counsellor Repton, and at last declared thathe would n't hear any more citations whatsoever. 'But I have a strongercase still, my Lord,' says the Counsellor. 'I 'll not hear it, sir,'said the Court. 'It is in Crewe and Fust, Term Reports, page 1,438.'

  "'I don't care where it is, sir,' was the answer.

  "'In a charge delivered by Lord Eldon--'

  "'Oh, let us hear my Lord Eldon,' said Plumridge, the Puisne Judge, whowas rather ashamed of the Chief Baron's severity. 'Let us hear my LordEldon.'

  "'Here it is, my Lords,' said the Counsellor, opening the volume, andlaying his hand upon the page,--'Crewe and Fust's Pleas of the Crown,page 1,438. My Lord Eldon says, "I may here observe the Courts of Lawin Ireland are _generally_ wrong! The Court of Exchequer is _always_wrong!"'"

  Repton tried to smother his own delighted laugh at the reminiscence,but all in vain; it burst from him long and joyously; and as he shookScanlan's hand, he said, "The incident loses nothing by your telling,sir; you have done it admirable justice."

  "You make me very proud, indeed, Counsellor," said Scanlan, who reallydid look overjoyed at the speech.

  "Have you any news for us, Scanlan?" said Martin, as they entered thelibrary.

  "Yes, sir; the Ministry is out."

  "We know that already, man!"

  "And the Marquis of Reckington comes here as Lord-Lieutenant."

  "That we know also."

  "Colonel Massingbred to be Chief Sec--"

  "Moore Massingbred!" cried both, in a breath.

  "Yes, sir; he that was a Treasury Lord."

  "Are you quite sure of this, Scanlan?" asked Martin.

  "I had it from Groves, sir, at the Castle, yesterday morning, who toldme there would be an immediate dissolution, and showed me a list ofGovernment candidates."

  "You may talk them all over together, then," said Martin, "for I 'mheartily tired of politics this morning." And so saying, he left them.