Her moving from state to central politics had created a vacuum in Uttar Pradesh. Agrawalji had asked, ‘Who shall we make chief minister? I'm sure Ikram's still hoping that you'll offer the position to him.’
Gangasagar had replied, ‘Ikram knows that I plan on acquiring the home portfolio eventually for the ABNS— and him in particular. I've told him to lie low for a while. He'll accept someone else from the ABNS taking the chief minister's post in Uttar Pradesh.’
‘So whom do we appoint as chief minister for the remaining term of the state government?’ asked Agrawalji.
‘Ram Shankar Dwivedi,’ answered Gangasagar.
‘But that's preposterous! The lecherous rogue inspired the local rebellion against Chandini. He can't be trusted!’
‘On the contrary, Agrawalji. I trust him completely.’
‘Why?’
‘Because I still have twenty more photographs to return to him,’ laughed Gangasagar.
‘Gangasagarji, what are you thinking?’ whispered the former defence minister—now new Prime Minister— to him. Gangasagar realised his mind had wandered. ‘I am wondering where Rungta is hiding. I can see our mutual friend, Somany, in the audience. Didn't you invite Rungta for the ceremony?’ he asked the premier.
‘I did, but I guess he's busy.’
‘With what?’
‘Finding some other minister to send down a ropeladder. If Somany can get me to do it, Rungta can find someone too,’ said the prime minister, smiling at the old man who had been the reason behind his clambering down the chopper's ladder in Siachen. Gangasagar laughed loudly. Everyone turned to look. He wasn't bothered. He laughed some more.
‘The scumbag refuses to part with the finance, external affairs, defence or home portfolios—the four key ministries. He says that the senior partner of the ruling alliance always holds these four posts along with the post of prime minister. Doesn't he realise he wouldn't be in government if it weren't for the support of the ABNS? So much for having Somany's man as PM!’ complained Gangasagar as he got up from his chair and paced the room.
‘What do you want?’ asked Ikram.
‘I want Chandini to be minister for external affairs. The global exposure would give her both national and international stature,’ said Gangasagar.
‘There's only one way you can achieve that. Create a crisis within the ministry of external affairs. A crisis that forces the minister to resign,’ suggested Ikram.
‘That doesn't seem possible or probable. The minister for external affairs is an old warhorse—and a careful one. He doesn't even cough without first checking to see if anyone is within earshot. Moreover, he's stark honest. Honesty is a most dreadful quality—it makes people difficult to manipulate,’ said an exasperated Gangasagar. He sat down again and began to drum the arms of his chair with his fingers.
‘There is another way,’ he said after a moment. ‘Sometimes, to score a goal you have to kick the ball away from the goalpost. The present minister for external affairs is the only one who could realistically take over the finance portfolio if the finance minister were to suddenly resign.’
‘And why would the finance minister do that?’ asked Ikram.
‘Ah! You see, unlike the minister for external affairs, he's not too honest. It seems that while our friend Somany supported the previous defence minister's bid for the top job, Rungta supported the finance minister. Our present PM hates the finance minister and will be delighted to lose him from the cabinet. We simply need to provide him with the opportunity. Ikram, put your best boys on the job—discreetly. The finance minister is dangerous to mess with. He'll feed us to the crocodiles if he gets to know!’
The allocation of the rest of the ministerial portfolios, too, was a tug-of-war. Gangasagar demanded ten berths for the ABNS. He had wanted external affairs for Chandini but was willing to let her remain a minister without portfolio until it could be arranged. In the meantime, he wanted cabinet positions in commerce, telecom, petroleum and agriculture although he was willing to settle for minister of state positions for the other five ABNS MPs whose names were being put forward.
Menon had asked him, ‘Why are you willing to settle for state positions for fifty per cent of your ministerial strength? You should insist on ten cabinet berths.’
‘I'd rather negotiate for the positions that matter. By settling for five I'm now in a position to negotiate for getting our own people into other positions of power— not necessarily within the cabinet,’ said Gangasagar.
‘Such as?’
‘The directorship of the Intelligence Bureau; governorship of the Reserve Bank of India; and the chairman's position in the Central Board of Direct Taxes. So many of our erstwhile student leaders are now senior enough within the bureaucracy—Brijmohan Rai from Allahabad University, Iqbal Azmi from Aligarh Muslim University, Girish Bajpai from Banaras Hindu University… but more importantly, I want to leave the door open for Chandini to get external affairs.’
‘And why do you particularly want Cabinet positions in commerce, telecom, petroleum and agriculture?’
‘Because our cabinet ministers shall spend the next two weeks sniffing around for every deal that was ever made within their departments, thus giving me ammunition to use against the finance minister!’
Gangasagar and Chandini were at Udyog Bhawan, the headquarters of the department of commerce. An ABNS man was now heading the department as cabinet minister.
‘Land for Special Economic Zones was allotted to private companies at meagre rates,’ said the commerce minister.
‘So what?’ asked Gangasagar, ‘That was as per government policy, right?’
‘Yes. Quantitatively, but not qualitatively.’
‘You've lost me,’ said Chandini.
‘The quantity of land acquired and passed on to developers was as per the policy.’
‘But?’ asked a curious Gangasagar.
‘The SEZ policy was framed in order to bring about development of arid wasteland. The building of transport links, power plants, water supply systems, and the addition of concentrated industrial and commercial hubs were supposed to enhance land value. Instead, prime land that was already well connected and developed was given away by the commerce ministry without considering its intrinsic value. Thousands of acres of land were given away to a single company,’ disclosed the commerce minister.
Gangasagar and Chandini were at Sanchar Bhawan, the headquarters of the department of telecom. ‘Telecom licences were issued in an arbitrary fashion at fees that were low, even going by ten-year-old benchmarks,’ revealed the telecom minister, an old hand of the ABNS.
‘Big deal. One could argue that one individual's perception of value is different to another's,’ argued Gangasagar.
‘But subsequently, the company that obtained the new spectrum allocations sold their stake to outside investors for a huge profit,’ said the telecom minister.
‘Isn't it possible they enhanced shareholder value by building a business in the interim?’ suggested Chandini.
‘In twenty-four hours?’ asked the telecom minister quizzically.
Gangasagar and Chandini were at Shastri Bhawan, the headquarters of the ministry of petroleum and natural gas. ‘Oil exploration rights were handed out to a single company for a value prescribed as per law,’ said the petroleum minister, an ABNS winner from Bijnor constituency.
‘What's wrong with that?’ asked Gangasagar.
‘The exploration rights were handed out on 24 July.’
‘So?’
‘An internal memo shows that the exploration basin had already been drilled by the public sector oil corporation.’
‘And?’
‘They had already discovered oil there on 23 July.’
Gangasagar and Chandini were at Krishi Bhawan, the headquarters of the ministry of agriculture. The minister was Daula Hassan Bhatti, Major Bedi's Muslim-Jat experiment in Meerut. He had won his election with a margin of over two hundred thousand votes.
‘Large quan
tities of fodder and fertiliser were procured during the term of the previous government,’ said the agriculture minister quietly, afraid of being overheard by his secretary.
‘That would be expected,’ send Chandini. ‘Any government that wishes to hang on to votes must subsidise fodder and fertiliser to keep farmers happy.’
‘But did we subsidise fodder for cattle in America and western Europe too?’ asked the agriculture minister.
‘What do you mean?’ asked Gangasagar.
‘If I count the total head of cattle subsidised by the government, it adds up to the total cattle population of India, America and western Europe added together! They subsidised farmers and cattle that did not exist!’ revealed the agriculture minister.
‘Could any of these deals have happened without the finance minister's complicity?’ asked Chandini. Ikram and Agrawalji shook their heads. That would have been impossible. Chandini and Gangasagar mulled over the revelations in silence. At length she asked him, ‘What do you intend to do with this information? Reveal it to the press and bring down the government?’
‘On the contrary. Of what value is it to bring down this government when we are in it? And that, too, so early in the day? Information is only of value when it isn't in the public domain. I shall safeguard it and use it to bargain,’ said the shrewd Pandit.
‘So you'll talk to the Prime Minister and secure the finance minister's resignation on account of the four scams?’ asked Chandini.
‘No. I shall not secure the finance minister's resignation on account of the four scams,’ said Gangasagar, blandly.
‘Why not?’ asked Chandini, wondering why they had spent a fortnight digging up dirt if it wasn't to be used.
‘I shall secure the finance minister's resignation on account of one scam, not four! I shall use the remaining information only as and when I deem appropriate. When a full house is adequate, why should I use straight flush?’
‘Congratulations on taking over as minister for external affairs, Chandiniji. I know that you will work hard and go even higher,’ said a wellwisher as Chandini moved around the room shaking hands.
Gangasagar was standing within earshot. He turned around to his faithful patron Agrawalji who was munching on a stuffed potato. ‘Funny isn't it?’ he said to Agrawalji.
‘What's funny about you having realised your dream of making this humble girl into India's minister for external affairs?’ asked Agrawalji.
‘Here's what's funny, my friend. She goes to an external country for an education, has an affair, gets pregnant, and as a reward I make her minister for external affairs!’
‘Is the honourable minister for external affairs aware that our national flag was displayed even after sundown at the Indian Embassy in Poland in violation of Section 2.2 subsection (xi) of the Flag Code of India? Will the honourable minister assure this House that she shall take corrective action.’
‘Mr Speaker, sir, I can assure the House that I might definitely take action.’
‘Mr Speaker, sir, is the honourable minister for external affairs ready to admit that we have allowed Pakistan to gain the upper hand in the recent foreign secretary-level talks in Geneva? Has the minister learnt anything from the mistakes made there?’
‘Mr Speaker, sir, I respectfully submit that I'm willing to make some more mistakes if the honourable member is willing to learn from them.’
‘With permission of the Chair, is the honourable minister for external affairs aware that alcoholic beverages were served within the premises of her ministry's South Block offices even though it was on a dry day?’
‘Mr Speaker, my own view is that alcohol is certainly not the answer to anything. It simply makes one forget the question. By the way, what was the honourable member's question?’
‘Mr Speaker. The ministry of external affairs seems to be picking its way through a minefield of international diplomacy. Unfortunately, the honourable minister lacks experience and is stumbling like a child in the dark.’
‘Mr Speaker, it is my understanding that children in the dark make accidents whereas accidents in the dark make children. I presume that's how we've all reached here!’
Chandini sat down as the entire Lok Sabha erupted in an explosion of laughter. It was evident that the new girl was not someone to be messed around with. Geoffrey Hemingford had tried, much to his regret.
The chairman of the Central Board of Direct Taxes— the CBDT—sent two files to the finance minister prior to the latter's resignation. These issues were hot potatoes and he wanted them signed off by the minister himself.
The first file related to R&S, and given the close relationship between the minister and Rungta, the chairman of the CBDT decided to get a clearance from the finance minister directly.
Hon'ble Finance Minister. Investigations into the activities of R&S have revealed several instances of financial irregularity. Various items on the expense side seem to have been inflated, specifically with the intention of reducing their taxable income. In addition, it seems that private partnerships have been created with a view to parking of profits. Various items on the income side have been deferred, seemingly with a view to deprive the tax authorities of revenue. Certain transactions—particularly sale and purchase of assets—have been carried out at questionable valuations, thus further reducing their tax liability, at least on paper.
The memo was double-spaced and continued on the next page.
Given the circumstances, I seek your advice on how the above matter should be handled. Thanking you. Chairman, Central Board of Direct Taxes.
The second file concerned overall tax rates for the common man—a political decision—and once again, the chairman of the CBDT had decided that seeking ministerial clearance would be was prudent.
Hon'ble Finance Minister. Income-tax returns filed for the last fiscal year have shown that the present burden of income tax on the lowest income-earners seems to be the hardest. Last year's economic slump has resulted in several taxpayers going into bankruptcy or insolvency. The above is particularly true of salary-earners who also have loan commitments such as home mortgages to be met. During internal deliberations with income-tax commissioners it has been felt that the department ought to take a lenient view with ordinary wage-earners this year.
As before, the memo was double-spaced and it continued on the next page.
Given the circumstances, I seek your advice on how the above matter should be handled. Thanking you. Chairman, Central Board of Direct Taxes.
The files arrived at North Block an hour later. The finance minister pulled out his fourteen-carat gold Waterman from his homespun cotton shirt pocket and made a note below the first memo. He knew that he could not protect R&S officially. He needed to be perceived as impartial, at least on paper. His jotting below the memo read:
I suggest they be investigated thoroughly and you should take whatever action you deem appropriate to recover taxes that are legitimately due to the government. Regards. Finance Minister.
The second one was relatively easy. He had discussed the matter with the prime minister and it was evident that they would need to give some concessions and tax breaks to salary-earners. His jotting below the second memo read:
We need to be sympathetic and gentle in our dealings with them. Without their support, no government can hope to remain in power. Suggest that adequate flexibility be shown. Regards. Finance Minister.
A few hours later, both memos were in Gangasagar's hands, having been helpfully forwarded to him by his protégé, the CBDT chairman. He carefully removed the staple that held the two pages of the first memo together and then repeated the procedure with the two pages of the second memo.
He then attached the first page of the R&S memo with the second page of the memo requesting relief for ordinary salary-earners, and stapled the two pages together. He contentedly surveyed the result of his handiwork.
Hon'ble Finance Minister. Investigations into the activities of R&S have revealed several instances of financial i
rregularity. Various items on the expense side seem to have been inflated, specifically with the intention of reducing their taxable income. In addition, it seems that private partnerships have been created with a view to parking of profits. Various items on the income side have been deferred, seemingly with a view to deprive the tax authorities of revenue. Certain transactions—particularly sale and purchase of assets—have been carried out at questionable valuations thus further reducing their tax liability, at least on paper. Given the circumstances, I seek your advice on how the above matter should be handled. Thanking you. Chairman, Central Board of Direct Taxes.
The memo was followed by the finance minister's handwritten remark.
We need to be sympathetic and gentle in our dealings with them. Without their support no government can hope to remain in power. Suggest that adequate flexibility be shown. Regards. Finance Minister.
Gangasagar showed the memo to Agrawalji. He was astounded. ‘What do you plan to do with it?’ he asked.
‘Nothing,’ replied Gangasagar, ‘I have enough ammunition with the scams to destroy him.’
‘Then why have you gone through this elaborate ritual with your appointee—the CBDT chairman?’ asked Agrawalji.
‘When you take out an insurance policy, do you hope for a fire soon?’ asked Gangasagar.
‘The Chinese ambassador has sought an audience with you, madam,’ said the foreign secretary.
‘But he has just made a statement supporting the Pakistani position. He says that militants crossing the Line of Control in Kashmir are independent non-state actors. We know that the Pakistan intelligence establishment is involved and yet the Chinese choose to look the other way. Why should I meet him?’ asked Chandini angrily.