houses from behind. This attack overcame the resolution of the Bardi,

  and decided the day in favor of the people; for when those who

  defended the barricades in the street learned that their houses were

  being plundered, they left the principal fight and hastened to their

  defense. This caused the Old Bridge to be lost; the Bardi fled in all

  directions and were received into the houses of the Quaratesi,

  Panzanesi, and Mozzi. The people, especially the lower classes, greedy

  for spoil, sacked and destroyed their houses, and pulled down and

  burned their towers and palaces with such outrageous fury, that the

  most cruel enemy of the Florentine name would have been ashamed of

  taking part in such wanton destruction.

  The nobility being thus overcome, the people reformed the government;

  and as they were of three kinds, the higher, the middle, and the lower

  class, it was ordered that the first should appoint two signors; the

  two latter three each, and that the Gonfalonier should be chosen

  alternately from either party. Besides this, all the regulations for

  the restraint of the nobility were renewed; and in order to weaken

  them still more, many were reduced to the grade of the people. The

  ruin of the nobility was so complete, and depressed them so much, that

  they never afterward ventured to take arms for the recovery of their

  power, but soon became humbled and abject in the extreme. And thus

  Florence lost the generosity of her character and her distinction in

  arms.

  After these events the city remained in peace till the year 1353. In

  the course of this period occurred the memorable plague, described

  with so much eloquence by Giovanni Boccaccio, and by which Florence

  lost 96,000 souls. In 1348, began the first war with the Visconti,

  occasioned by the archbishop, then prince of Milan; and when this was

  concluded, dissensions again arose in the city; for although the

  nobility were destroyed, fortune did not fail to cause new divisions

  and new troubles.

  BOOK III

  CHAPTER I

  Reflections upon the domestic discords of republics--A parallel

  between the discords of Rome and those of Florence--Enmities

  between the families of the Ricci and the Albizzi--Uguccione de'

  Ricci causes the laws against the Ghibellines to be renewed in

  order to injure the Albizzi--Piero degli Albizzi derives advantage

  from it--Origin of admonitions and the troubles which result from

  them--Uguccione de' Ricci moderates their injustice--Difficulties

  increase--A meeting of the citizens--They address the Signory--The

  Signory attempt to remedy the evils.

  Those serious, though natural enmities, which occur between the

  popular classes and the nobility, arising from the desire of the

  latter to command, and the disinclination of the former to obey, are

  the causes of most of the troubles which take place in cities; and

  from this diversity of purpose, all the other evils which disturb

  republics derive their origin. This kept Rome disunited; and this, if

  it be allowable to compare small things with great, held Florence in

  disunion; although in each city it produced a different result; for

  animosities were only beginning with the people and nobility of Rome

  contended, while ours were brought to a conclusion by the contentions

  of our citizens. A new law settled the disputes of Rome; those of

  Florence were only terminated by the death and banishment of many of

  her best people. Those of Rome increased her military virtue, while

  that of Florence was quite extinguished by her divisions. The quarrels

  of Rome established different ranks of society, those of Florence

  abolished the distinctions which had previously existed. This

  diversity of effects must have been occasioned by the different

  purposes which the two people had in view. While the people of Rome

  endeavored to associate with the nobility in the supreme honors, those

  of Florence strove to exclude the nobility from all participation in

  them: as the desire of the Roman people was more reasonable, no

  particular offense was given to the nobility; they therefore consented

  to it without having recourse to arms; so that, after some disputes

  concerning particular points, both parties agreed to the enactment of

  a law which, while it satisfied the people, preserved the nobility in

  the enjoyment of their dignity.

  On the other hand, the demands of the people of Florence being

  insolent and unjust, the nobility, became desperate, prepared for

  their defense with their utmost energy, and thus bloodshed and the

  exile of citizens followed. The laws which were afterward made, did

  not provide for the common good, but were framed wholly in favor of

  the conquerors. This too, must be observed, that from the acquisition

  of power, made by the people of Rome, their minds were very much

  improved; for all the offices of state being attainable as well by the

  people as the nobility, the peculiar excellencies of the latter

  exercised a most beneficial influence upon the former; and as the city

  increased in virtue she attained a more exalted greatness.

  But in Florence, the people being conquerors, the nobility were

  deprived of all participation in the government; and in order to

  regain a portion of it, it became necessary for them not only to seem

  like the people, but to be like them in behavior, mind, and mode of

  living. Hence arose those changes in armorial bearings, and in the

  titles of families, which the nobility adopted, in order that they

  might seem to be of the people; military virtue and generosity of

  feeling became extinguished in them; the people not possessing these

  qualities, they could not appreciate them, and Florence became by

  degrees more and more depressed and humiliated. The virtue of the

  Roman nobility degenerating into pride, the citizens soon found that

  the business of the state could not be carried on without a prince.

  Florence had now come to such a point, that with a comprehensive mind

  at the head of affairs she would easily have been made to take any

  form that he might have been disposed to give her; as may be partly

  observed by a perusal of the preceding book.

  Having given an account of the origin of Florence, the commencement of

  her liberty, with the causes of her divisions, and shown how the

  factions of the nobility and the people ceased with the tyranny of the

  duke of Athens, and the ruin of the former, we have now to speak of

  the animosities between the citizens and the plebeians and the various

  circumstances which they produced.

  The nobility being overcome, and the war with the archbishop of Milan

  concluded, there did not appear any cause of dissension in Florence.

  But the evil fortune of the city, and the defective nature of her

  laws, gave rise to enmities between the family of the Albizzi and that

  of the Ricci, which divided her citizens as completely as those of the

  Buondelmonti and the Uberti, or the Donati and the Cerchi had formerly

  done. The pontiffs, who at this time resided in France, and the

  emperors,
who abode in Germany, in order to maintain their influence

  in Italy, sent among us multitudes of soldiers of many countries, as

  English, Dutch, and Bretons. As these, upon the conclusion of a war,

  were thrown out of pay, though still in the country, they, under the

  standard of some soldier of fortune, plundered such people as were

  least prepared to defend themselves. In the year 1353 one of these

  companies came into Tuscany under the command of Monsignor Reale, of

  Provence, and his approach terrified all the cities of Italy. The

  Florentines not only provided themselves forces, but many citizens,

  among whom were the Albizzi and the Ricci, armed themselves in their

  own defense. These families were at the time full of hatred against

  each other, and each thought to obtain the sovereignty of the republic

  by overcoming his enemy. They had not yet proceeded to open violence,

  but only contended in the magistracies and councils. The city being

  all in arms, a quarrel arose in the Old Market place, and, as it

  frequently happens in similar cases, a great number of people were

  drawn together. The disturbance spreading, it was told the Ricci that

  the Albizzi had assailed their partisans, and to the Albizzi that the

  Ricci were in quest of them. Upon this the whole city arose, and it

  was all the magistrates could do to restrain these families, and

  prevent the actual occurrence of a disaster which, without being the

  fault of either of them, had been willfully though falsely reported as

  having already taken place. This apparently trifling circumstance

  served to inflame the minds of the parties, and make each the more

  resolved to increase the number of their followers. And as the

  citizens, since the ruin of the nobility, were on such an equality

  that the magistrates were more respected now than they had previously

  been, they designed to proceed toward the suppression of this disorder

  with civil authority alone.

  We have before related, that after the victory of Charles I. the

  government was formed of the Guelphic party, and that it thus acquired

  great authority over the Ghibellines. But time, a variety of

  circumstances, and new divisions had so contributed to sink this party

  feeling into oblivion, that many of Ghibelline descent now filled the

  highest offices. Observing this, Uguccione, the head of the family of

  the Ricci, contrived that the law against the Ghibellines should be

  again brought into operation; many imagining the Albizzi to be of that

  faction, they having arisen in Arezzo, and come long ago to Florence.

  Uguccione by this means hoped to deprive the Albizzi of participation

  in the government, for all of Ghibelline blood who were found to hold

  offices, would be condemned in the penalties which this law provided.

  The design of Uguccione was discovered to Piero son of Filippo degli

  Albizzi, and he resolved to favor it: for he saw that to oppose it

  would at once declare him a Ghibelline; and thus the law which was

  renewed by the ambition of the Ricci for his destruction, instead of

  robbing Piero degli Albizzi of reputation, contributed to increase his

  influence, although it laid the foundation of many evils. Nor is it

  possible for a republic to enact a law more pernicious than one

  relating to matters which have long transpired. Piero having favored

  this law, which had been contrived by his enemies for his stumbling-

  block, it became the stepping-stone to his greatness; for, making

  himself the leader of this new order of things, his authority went on

  increasing, and he was in greater favor with the Guelphs than any

  other man.

  As there could not be found a magistrate willing to search out who

  were Ghibellines, and as this renewed enactment against them was

  therefore of small value, it was provided that authority should be

  given to the Capitani to find out who were of this faction; and,

  having discovered, to signify and ADMONISH them that they were not to

  take upon themselves any office of government; to which ADMONITIONS,

  if they were disobedient, they became condemned in the penalties.

  Hence, all those who in Florence are deprived of the power to hold

  offices are called /ammoniti/, or ADMONISHED.

  The Capitani in time acquiring greater audacity, admonished not only

  those to whom the admonition was applicable, but any others at the

  suggestion of their own avarice or ambition; and from 1356, when this

  law was made, to 1366, there had been admonished above 200 citizens.

  The Captains of the Parts and the sect of the Guelphs were thus become

  powerful; for every one honored them for fear of being admonished; and

  most particularly the leaders, who were Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo da

  Castiglionchio, and Carlo Strozzi. This insolent mode of proceeding

  was offensive to many; but none felt so particularly injured with it

  as the Ricci; for they knew themselves to have occasioned it, they saw

  it involved the ruin of the republic, and their enemies, the Albizzi,

  contrary to their intention, became great in consequence.

  On this account Uguccione de' Ricci, being one of the Signory,

  resolved to put an end to the evil which he and his friends had

  originated, and with a new law provided that to the six Captains of

  Parts an additional three should be appointed, of whom two should be

  chosen from the companies of minor artificers, and that before any

  party could be declared Ghibelline, the declaration of the Capitani

  must be confirmed by twenty-four Guelphic citizens, appointed for the

  purpose. This provision tempered for a time the power of the Capitani,

  so that the admonitions were greatly diminished, if not wholly laid

  aside. Still the parties of the Albizzi and the Ricci were continually

  on the alert to oppose each other's laws, deliberations, and

  enterprises, not from a conviction of their inexpediency, but from a

  hatred of their promoters.

  In such distractions the time passed from 1366 to 1371, when the

  Guelphs again regained the ascendant. There was in the family of the

  Buondelmonti a gentleman named Benchi, who, as an acknowledgment of

  his merit in a war against the Pisans, though one of the nobility, had

  been admitted among the people, and thus became eligible to office

  among the Signory; but when about to take his seat with them, a law

  was made that no nobleman who had become of the popular class should

  be allowed to assume that office. This gave great offense to Benchi,

  who, in union with Piero degli Albizzi, determined to depress the less

  powerful of the popular party with ADMONITIONS, and obtain the

  government for themselves. By the interest which Benchi possessed with

  the ancient nobility, and that of Piero with most of the influential

  citizens, the Guelphic party resumed their ascendancy, and by new

  reforms among the PARTS, so remodeled the administration as to be able

  to dispose of the offices of the captains and the twenty-four citizens

  at pleasure. They then returned to the ADMONITIONS with greater

  audacity than ever, and the house of the Albizzi became powerful as

  the head of this faction.
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  On the other hand, the Ricci made the most strenuous exertions against

  their designs; so that anxiety universally prevailed, and ruin was

  apprehended alike from both parties. In consequence of this a great

  number of citizens, out of love to their country, assembled in the

  church of St. Piero Scarraggio, and after a long consideration of the

  existing disorders, presented themselves before the Signors, whom one

  of the principal among them addressed in the following terms:--

  "Many of us, magnificent Signors! were afraid of meeting even for

  consideration of public business, without being publicly called

  together, lest we should be noted as presumptuous or condemned as

  ambitious. But seeing that so many citizens daily assemble in the

  lodges and halls of the palace, not for any public utility, but only

  for the gratification of their own ambition, we have thought that as

  those who assemble for the ruin of the republic are fearless, so still

  less ought they to be apprehensive who meet together only for its

  advantage; nor ought we to be anxious respecting the opinion they may

  form of our assembling, since they are so utterly indifferent to the

  opinion of others. Our affection for our country, magnificent Signors!

  caused us to assemble first, and now brings us before you, to speak of

  grievances already great and daily increasing in our republic, and to

  offer our assistance for their removal: and we doubt not that, though

  a difficult undertaking, it will still be attended with success, if

  you will lay aside all private regards, and authoritatively use the

  public force.

  "The common corruption of all the cities of Italy, magnificent

  Signors! has infested and still vitiates your own; for when this

  province had shaken off the imperial yoke, her cities not being

  subject to any powerful influence that might restrain them,

  administered affairs, not as free men do, but as a factious populace;

  and hence have arisen all the other evils and disorders that have

  appeared. In the first place, there cannot be found among the citizens

  either unity or friendship, except with those whose common guilt,

  either against their country or against private individuals, is a bond

  of union. And as the knowledge of religion and the fear of God seem to

  be alike extinct, oaths and promises have lost their validity, and are

  kept as long as it is found expedient; they are adopted only as a

  means of deception, and he is most applauded and respected whose

  cunning is most efficient and secure. On this account bad men are

  received with the approbation due to virtue, and good ones are

  regarded only in the light of fools.

  "And certainly in the cities of Italy all that is corruptible and

  corrupting is assembled. The young are idle, the old lascivious, and

  each sex and every age abounds with debasing habits, which the good

  laws, by misapplication, have lost the power to correct. Hence arises

  the avarice so observable among the citizens, and that greediness, not

  for true glory, but for unworthy honors; from which follow hatred,

  animosities, quarrels, and factions; resulting in deaths, banishments,

  affliction to all good men, and the advancement of the most

  unprincipled; for the good, confiding in their innocence, seek neither

  safety nor advancement by illegal methods as the wicked do, and thus

  unhonored and undefended they sink into oblivion.

  "From proceedings such as these, arise at once the attachment for and

  influence of parties; bad men follow them through ambition and

  avarice, and necessity compels the good to pursue the same course. And

  most lamentable is it to observe how the leaders and movers of parties

  sanctify their base designs with words that are all piety and virtue;

  they have the name of liberty constantly in their mouths, though their

  actions prove them her greatest enemies. The reward which they desire

  from victory is not the glory of having given liberty to the city, but