the satisfaction of having vanquished others, and of making themselves
rulers; and to attain their end, there is nothing too unjust, too
cruel, too avaricious for them to attempt. Thus laws and ordinances,
peace, wars, and treaties are adopted and pursued, not for the public
good, not for the common glory of the state, but for the convenience
or advantage of a few individuals.
"And if other cities abound in these disorders, ours is more than any
infected with them; for her laws, statutes, and civil ordinances are
not, nor have they ever been, established for the benefit of men in a
state of freedom, but according to the wish of the faction that has
been uppermost at the time. Hence it follows that, when one party is
expelled, or faction extinguished, another immediately arises; for, in
a city that is governed by parties rather than by laws, as soon as one
becomes dominant and unopposed, it must of necessity soon divide
against itself; for the private methods at first adapted for its
defense will now no longer keep it united. The truth of this, both the
ancient and modern dissensions of our city prove. Everyone thought
that when the Ghibellines were destroyed, the Guelphs would long
continue happy and honored; yet after a short time they divided into
the Bianchi and Neri, the black faction and the white. When the
Bianchi were overcome, the city was not long free from factions; for
either, in favor of the emigrants, or on account of the animosity
between the nobility and the people, we were still constantly at war.
And as if resolved to give up to others, what in mutual harmony we
either would not or were unable to retain, we confided the care of our
precious liberty first to King Robert, then to his brother, next to
his son, and at last to the duke of Athens. Still we have never in any
condition found repose, but seem like men who can neither agree to
live in freedom nor be content with slavery. Nor did we hesitate (so
greatly does the nature of our ordinances dispose us to division),
while yet under allegiance to the king, to substitute for his majesty,
one of the vilest of men born at Agobbio.
"For the credit of the city, the name of the duke of Athens ought to
be consigned to oblivion. His cruel and tyrannical disposition,
however, might have taught us wisdom and instructed us how to live;
but no sooner was he expelled than we handled our arms, and fought
with more hatred, and greater fury than we had ever done on any former
occasion; so that the ancient nobility were vanquished the city was
left at the disposal of the people. It was generally supposed that no
further occasion of quarrel or of party animosity could arise, since
those whose pride and insupportable ambition had been regarded as the
causes of them were depressed; however, experience proves how liable
human judgment is to error, and what false impressions men imbibe,
even in regard to the things that most intimately concern them; for we
find the pride and ambition of the nobility are not extinct, but only
transferred from them to the people who at this moment, according to
the usual practice of ambitious men, are endeavoring to render
themselves masters of the republic; and knowing they have no chance of
success but what is offered by discord, they have again divided the
city, and the names of Guelph and Ghibelline, which were beginning to
be forgotten (and it would have been well if they had never been heard
among us), are repeated anew in our ears.
"It seems almost necessarily ordained, in order that in human affairs
there may be nothing either settled or permanent, that in all
republics there are what may be called fatal families, born for the
ruin of their country. Of this kind of pest our city has produced a
more copious brood than any other; for not one but many have disturbed
and harassed her: first the Buondelmonti and the Uberti; then the
Donati and the Cerchi; and now, oh ridiculous! oh disgraceful thought!
the Ricci and the Albizzi have caused a division of her citizens.
"We have not dwelt upon our corrupt habits or our old and continual
dissensions to occasion you alarm, but to remind you of their causes;
to show that as you doubtless are aware of them, we also keep them in
view, and to remind you that their results ought not to make you
diffident of your power to repress the disorders of the present time.
The ancient families possessed so much influence, and were held in
such high esteem, that civil force was insufficient to restrain them;
but now, when the empire has lost its ascendancy, the pope is no
longer formidable, and the whole of Italy is reduced to a state of the
most complete equality, there can be no difficulty. Our republic might
more especially than any other (although at first our former practices
seem to present a reason to the contrary), not only keep itself united
but be improved by good laws and civil regulations, if you, the
Signory, would once resolve to undertake the matter; and to this we,
induced by no other motive than the love of our country, would most
strongly urge you. It is true the corruption of the country is great,
and much discretion will be requisite to correct it; but do not impute
the past disorders to the nature of the men, but to the times, which,
being changed, give reasonable ground to hope that, with better
government, our city will be attended with better fortune; for the
malignity of the people will be overcome by restraining the ambition
and annulling the ordinances of those who have encouraged faction, and
adopting in their stead only such principles as are conformable to
true civil liberty. And be assured, that these desirable ends will be
more certainly attained by the benign influence of the laws, than by a
delay which will compel the people to effect them by force and arms."
The Signory, induced by the necessity of the case, of which they were
previously aware, and further encouraged by the advice of those who
now addressed them, gave authority to fifty-six citizens to provide
for the safety of the republic. It is usually found that most men are
better adapted to pursue a good course already begun, than to discover
one applicable to immediate circumstances. These citizens thought
rather of extinguishing existing factions than of preventing the
formation of new ones, and effected neither of these objects. The
facilities for the establishment of new parties were not removed; and
out of those which they guarded against, another more powerful arose,
which brought the republic into still greater danger. They, however,
deprived three of the family of the Albizzi, and three of that of the
Ricci, of all the offices of government, except those of the Guelphic
party, for three years; and among the deprived were Piero degli
Albizzi and Uguccione de' Ricci. They forbade the citizens to assemble
in the palace, except during the sittings of the Signory. They
provided that if any one were beaten, or possession of his property
detained from him, he might bring his case before the council and
r /> denounce the offender, even if he were one of the nobility; and that
if it were proved, the accused should be subject to the usual
penalties. This provision abated the boldness of the Ricci, and
increased that of the Albizzi; since, although it applied equally to
both, the Ricci suffered from it by far the most; for if Piero was
excluded from the palace of the Signory, the chamber of the Guelphs,
in which he possessed the greatest authority, remained open to him;
and if he and his followers had previously been ready to ADMONISH,
they became after this injury, doubly so. To this pre-disposition for
evil, new excitements were added.
CHAPTER II
The war of the Florentines against the pope's legate, and the
causes of it--League against the pope--The censures of the pope
disregarded in Florence--The city is divided into two factions,
the one the Capitani di Parte, the other of the eight
commissioners of the war--Measures adopted by the Guelphic party
against their adversaries--The Guelphs endeavor to prevent
Salvestro de Medici from being chosen Gonfalonier--Salvestro de
Medici Gonfalonier--His law against the nobility, and in favor of
the Ammoniti--The /Collegi/ disapprove of the law--Salvestro
addresses the council in its favor--The law is passed--
Disturbances in Florence.
The papal chair was occupied by Gregory XI. He, like his predecessors,
residing at Avignon, governed Italy by legates, who, proud and
avaricious, oppressed many of the cities. One of these legates, then
at Bologna, taking advantage of a great scarcity of food at Florence,
endeavored to render himself master of Tuscany, and not only withheld
provisions from the Florentines, but in order to frustrate their hopes
of the future harvest, upon the approach of spring, attacked them with
a large army, trusting that being famished and unarmed, he should find
them an easy conquest. He might perhaps have been successful, had not
his forces been mercenary and faithless, and, therefore, induced to
abandon the enterprise for the sum of 130,000 florins, which the
Florentines paid them. People may go to war when they will, but cannot
always withdraw when they like. This contest, commenced by the
ambition of the legate, was sustained by the resentment of the
Florentines, who, entering into a league with Bernabo of Milan, and
with the cities hostile to the church, appointed eight citizens for
the administration of it, giving them authority to act without appeal,
and to expend whatever sums they might judge expedient, without
rendering an account of the outlay.
This war against the pontiff, although Uguccione was now dead,
reanimated those who had followed the party of the Ricci, who, in
opposition to the Albizzi, had always favored Bernabo and opposed the
church, and this, the rather, because the eight commissioners of war
were all enemies of the Guelphs. This occasioned Piero degli Albizzi,
Lapo da Castiglionchio, Carlo Strozzi, and others, to unite themselves
more closely in opposition to their adversaries. The eight carried on
the war, and the others admonished during three years, when the death
of the pontiff put an end to the hostilities, which had been carried
on which so much ability, and with such entire satisfaction to the
people, that at the end of each year the eight were continued in
office, and were called /Santi/, or holy, although they had set
ecclesiastical censures at defiance, plundered the churches of their
property, and compelled the priests to perform divine service. So much
did citizens at that time prefer the good of their country to their
ghostly consolations, and thus showed the church, that if as her
friends they had defended, they could as enemies depress her; for the
whole of Romagna, the Marches, and Perugia were excited to rebellion.
Yet while this war was carried on against the pope, they were unable
to defend themselves against the captains of the parts and their
faction; for the insolence of the Guelphs against the eight attained
such a pitch, that they could not restrain themselves from abusive
behavior, not merely against some of the most distinguished citizens,
but even against the eight themselves; and the captains of the parts
conducted themselves with such arrogance, that they were feared more
than the Signory. Those who had business with them treated them with
greater reverence, and their court was held in higher estimation: so
that no ambassador came to Florence, without commission to the
captains.
Pope Gregory being dead, and the city freed from external war; there
still prevailed great confusion within; for the audacity of the
Guelphs was insupportable, and as no available mode of subduing them
presented itself, it was thought that recourse must be had to arms, to
determine which party was the strongest. With the Guelphs were all the
ancient nobility, and the greater part of the most popular leaders, of
which number, as already remarked, were Lapo, Piero, and Carlo. On the
other side, were all the lower orders, the leaders of whom were the
eight commissioners of war, Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, and
with them the Ricci, Alberti, and Medici. The rest of the multitude,
as most commonly happens, joined the discontented party.
It appeared to the heads of the Guelphic faction that their enemies
would be greatly strengthened, and themselves in considerable danger
in case a hostile Signory should resolve on their subjugation.
Desirous, therefore, of being prepared against this calamity, the
leaders of the party assembled to take into consideration the state of
the city and that of their own friends in particular, and found the
/ammoniti/ so numerous and so great a difficulty, that the whole city
was excited against them on this account. They could not devise any
other remedy than, that as their enemies had deprived them of all the
offices of honor, they should banish their opponents from the city,
take possession of the palace of the Signory, and bring over the whole
state to their own party; in imitation of the Guelphs of former times,
who found no safety in the city, till they had driven all their
adversaries out of it. They were unanimous upon the main point, but
did not agree upon the time of carrying it into execution. It was in
the month of April, in the year 1378, when Lapo, thinking delay
inadvisable, expressed his opinion, that procrastination was in the
highest degree perilous to themselves; as in the next Signory,
Salvestro de' Medici would very probably be elected Gonfalonier, and
they all knew he was opposed to their party. Piero degli Albizzi, on
the other hand, thought it better to defer, since they would require
forces, which could not be assembled without exciting observation, and
if they were discovered, they would incur great risk. He thereupon
judged it preferable to wait till the approaching feast of St. John on
which, being the most solemn festival of the city, vast multitudes
would be assembled, among whom th
ey might conceal whatever numbers
they pleased. To obviate their fears of Salvestro, he was to be
ADMONISHED, and if this did not appear likely to be effectual, they
would "ADMONISH" one of the Colleague of his quarter, and upon
redrawing, as the ballot-boxes would be nearly empty, chance would
very likely occasion that either he or some associate of his would be
drawn, and he would thus be rendered incapable of sitting as
Gonfalonier. They therefore came to the conclusion proposed by Piero,
though Lapo consented reluctantly, considering the delay dangerous,
and that, as no opportunity can be in all respects suitable, he who
waits for the concurrence of every advantage, either never makes an
attempt, or, if induced to do so, is most frequently foiled. They
"admonished" the Colleague, but did not prevent the appointment of
Salvestro, for the design was discovered by the Eight, who took care
to render all attempts upon the drawing futile.
Salvestro Alammano de' Medici was therefore drawn Gonfalonier, and,
being one of the noblest popular families, he could not endure that
the people should be oppressed by a few powerful persons. Having
resolved to put an end to their insolence, and perceiving the middle
classes favorably disposed, and many of the highest of the people on
his side, he communicated his design to Benedetto Alberti, Tommaso
Strozzi, and Georgio Scali, who all promised their assistance. They,
therefore, secretly draw up a law which had for its object to revive
the restrictions upon the nobility, to retrench the authority of the
Capitani di Parte, and recall the /ammoniti/ to their dignity. In
order to attempt and obtain their ends, at one and the same time,
having to consult, first the Colleagues and then the Councils,
Salvestro being Provost (which office for the time makes its possessor
almost prince of the city), he called together the Colleagues and the
Council on the same morning, and the Colleagues being apart, he
proposed the law prepared by himself and his friends, which, being a
novelty, encountered in their small number so much opposition, that he
was unable to have it passed.
Salvestro, seeing his first attempt likely to fail, pretended to leave
the room for a private reason, and, without being perceived, went
immediately to the Council, and taking a lofty position from which he
could be both seen and heard, said:--"That considering himself
invested with the office of Gonfalonier, not so much to preside in
private cases (for which proper judges were appointed, who have their
regular sittings), as to guard the state, correct the insolence of the
powerful, and ameliorate those laws by the influence of which the
republic was being ruined, he had carefully attended to both these
duties, and to his utmost ability provided for them, but found the
perversity of some so much opposed to his just designs as to deprive
him of all opportunity of doing good, and them not only of the means
of assisting him with their counsel, but even hearing him. Therefore
finding he no longer contributed either to the benefit of the republic
or of the people generally, he could not perceive any reason for his
longer holding the magistracy, of which he was either undeserving, or
others thought him so, and would therefore retire to his house, that
the people might appoint another in his stead, who would either have
greater virtue or better fortune than himself." And having said this,
he left the room as if to return home.
Those of the council who were in the secret, and others desirous of
novelty, raised a tumult, at which the Signory and the Colleagues came
together, and finding the Gonfalonier leaving them, entreatingly and
authoritatively detained him, and obliged him to return to the council
room, which was now full of confusion. Many of the noble citizens were
threatened in opprobrious language; and an artificer seized Carlo
Strozzi by the throat, and would undoubtedly have murdered him, but