course of the campaign, two instances occurred which served to show
how greatly courage is admired even in enemies, and how much cowardice
and pusillanimity are despised.
Biaggio del Melano was castellan in the fortress of Monte Petroso.
Being surrounded by enemies, and seeing no chance of saving the place,
which was already in flames, he cast clothes and straw from a part
which was not yet on fire, and upon these he threw his two little
children, saying to the enemy, "Take to yourselves those goods which
fortune has bestowed upon me, and of which you may deprive me; but
those of the mind, in which my honor and glory consist, I will not
give up, neither can you wrest them from me." The besiegers ran to
save the children, and placed for their father ropes and ladders, by
which to save himself, but he would not use them, and rather chose to
die in the flames than owe his safety to the enemies of his country:
an example worthy of that much lauded antiquity, which offers nothing
to surpass it, and which we admire the more from the rarity of any
similar occurrence. Whatever could be recovered from the ruins, was
restored for the use of the children, and carefully conveyed to their
friends; nor was the republic less grateful; for as long as they
lived, they were supported at her charge.
An example of an opposite character occurred at Galeata, where Zanobi
del Pino was governor; he, without offering the least resistance, gave
up the fortress to the enemy; and besides this, advised Agnolo della
Pergola to leave the Alps of Romagna, and come among the smaller hills
of Tuscany, where he might carry on the war with less danger and
greater advantage. Agnolo could not endure the mean and base spirit of
this man, and delivered him to his own attendants, who, after many
reproaches, gave him nothing to eat but paper painted with snakes,
saying, that of a Guelph they would make him a Ghibelline; and thus
fasting, he died in a few days.
At this time Count Oddo and Niccolo Piccinino entered the Val di
Lamona, with the design of bringing the lord of Faenza over to the
Florentines, or at least inducing him to restrain the incursions of
Agnolo della Pergola into Romagna; but as this valley is naturally
strong, and its inhabitants warlike, Count Oddo was slain there, and
Niccolo Piccinino sent a prisoner to Faenza. Fortune, however, caused
the Florentines to obtain by their loss, what, perhaps, they would
have failed to acquire by victory; for Niccolo so prevailed with the
lord of Faenza and his mother, that they became friends of the
Florentines. By this treaty, Niccolo Piccinino was set at liberty, but
did not take the advice he had given others; for while in treaty with
the city, concerning the terms of his engagement, either the
conditions proposed were insufficient, or he found better elsewhere;
for quite suddenly he left Arezzo, where he had been staying, passed
into Lombardy, and entered the service of the duke.
The Florentines, alarmed by this circumstance, and reduced to
despondency by their frequent losses, thought themselves unable to
sustain the war alone, and sent ambassadors to the Venetians, to beg
they would lend their aid to oppose the greatness of one who, if
allowed to aggrandize himself, would soon become as dangerous to them
as to the Florentines themselves. The Venetians were advised to adopt
the same course by Francesco Carmignuola, one of the most
distinguished warriors of those times, who had been in the service of
the duke, and had afterward quitted it; but they hesitated, not
knowing how far to trust him; for they thought his enmity with the
duke was only feigned. While in this suspense, it was found that the
duke, by means of a servant of Carmignuola, had caused poison to be
given him in his food, which, although it was not fatal, reduced him
to extremity. The truth being discovered, the Venetians laid aside
their suspicion; and as the Florentines still solicited their
assistance, a treaty was formed between the two powers, by which they
agreed to carry on the war at the common expense of both: the
conquests in Lombardy to be assigned to the Venetians; those in
Romagna and Tuscany to the Florentines; and Carmignuola was appointed
Captain General of the League. By this treaty the war was commenced in
Lombardy, where it was admirably conducted; for in a few months many
places were taken from the duke, together with the city of Brescia,
the capture of which was in those days considered a most brilliant
exploit.
The war had continued from 1422 to 1427, and the citizens of Florence
were so wearied of the taxes that had been imposed during that time,
that it was resolved to revise them, preparatory to their
amelioration. That they might be equalized according to the means of
each citizen, it was proposed that whoever possessed property of the
value of one hundred florins should pay half a florin of taxes.
Individual contribution would thus be determined by an invariable
rule, and not left to the discretion of parties; and as it was found
that the new method would press heavily upon the powerful classes,
they used their utmost endeavors to prevent it from becoming law.
Giovanni de' Medici alone declared himself in favor of it, and by his
means it was passed. In order to determine the amount each had to pay,
it was necessary to consider his property in the aggregate, which the
Florentines call /accatastare/, in which in this application of it
would signify TO RATE or VALUE, and hence this tax received the name
of /catasto/. The new method of rating formed a powerful check to the
tyranny of the great, who could no longer oppress the lower classes,
or silence them with threats in the council as they had formerly done,
and it therefore gave general satisfaction, though to the wealthy
classes it was in the highest degree offensive. But as it is found men
are never satisfied, but that the possession of one advantage only
makes them desire more, the people, not content with the equality of
taxation which the new law produced, demanded that the same rule
should be applied to past years; that in investigation should be made
to determine how much, according to the Catasto, the rich had paid
less than their share, and that they should now pay up to an equality
with those who, in order to meet the demand unjustly made, had been
compelled to sell their possessions. This proposal alarmed the great
more than the Catasto had done; and in self-defense they unceasingly
decried it, declaring it in the highest degree unjust in being laid
not only on immovable but movable property, which people possess
to-day and lose to-morrow; that many persons have hidden wealth which
the Catasto cannot reach; that those who leave their own affairs to
manage those of the republic should be less burdened by her, it being
enough for them to give their labour, and that it was unjust of the
city to take both their property and their time, while of others she
only took money. The advocates of the Catasto replied,
that if movable
property varies, the taxes would also vary, and frequently rating it
would remedy the evil to which it was subject; that it was unnecessary
to mention those who possessed hidden property; for it would be
unreasonable to take taxes for that which produced no interest, and
that if it paid anything, it could not fail to be discovered: that
those who did not like to labor for the republic might cease to do so;
for no doubt she would find plenty of loving citizens who would take
pleasure in assisting her with both money and counsel: that the
advantages and honors of a participation in the government are so
great, that of themselves they are a sufficient remuneration to those
who thus employ themselves, without wishing to be excused from paying
their share of taxes. But, they added, the real grievance had not been
mentioned: for those who were offended with the Catasto, regretted
they could no longer involve the city in all the difficulties of war
without injury to themselves, now that they had to contribute like the
rest; and that if this law had then been in force they would not have
gone to war with King Ladislaus, or the Duke Filippo, both which
enterprises had been not through necessity, but to impoverish the
citizens. The excitement was appeased by Giovanni de' Medici, who
said, "It is not well to go into things so long past, unless to learn
something for our present guidance; and if in former times the
taxation has been unjust, we ought to be thankful, that we have now
discovered a method of making it equitable, and hope that this will be
the means of uniting the citizens, not of dividing them; which would
certainly be the case were they to attempt the recovery of taxes for
the past, and make them equal to the present; and that he who is
content with a moderate victory is always most successful; for those
who would more than conquer, commonly lose." With such words as these
he calmed the disturbance, and this retrospective equalization was no
longer contemplated.
The war with the duke still continued; but peace was at length
restored by means of a legate of the pope. The duke, however, from the
first disregarded the conditions, so that the league again took arms,
and meeting the enemy's forces at Maclovio routed them. After this
defeat the duke again made proposals for peace, to which the
Florentines and Venetians both agreed; the former from jealousy of the
Venetians, thinking they had spent quite enough money in the
aggrandizement of others; the latter, because they found Carmignuola,
after the defeat of the duke, proceed but coldly in their cause; so
that they thought it no longer safe to trust him. A treaty was
therefore concluded in 1428, by which the Florentines recovered the
places they had lost in Romagna; and the Venetians kept Brescia, to
which the duke added Bergamo and the country around it. In this war
the Florentines expended three millions and a half of ducats, extended
the territory and power of the Venetians, and brought poverty and
disunion upon themselves.
Being at peace with their neighbors, domestic troubles recommenced.
The great citizens could not endure the Catasto, and not knowing how
to set it aside, they endeavored to raise up more numerous enemies to
the measure, and thus provide themselves with allies to assist them in
annulling it. They therefore instructed the officers appointed to levy
the tax, that the law required them to extend the Catasto over the
property of their nearest neighbors, to see if Florentine wealth was
concealed among it. The dependent states were therefore ordered to
present a schedule of their property against a certain time. This was
extremely offensive to the people of Volterra, who sent to the Signory
to complain of it; but the officers, in great wrath, committed
eighteen of the complainants to prison. The Volterrani, however, out
of regard for their fellow-countrymen who were arrested, did not
proceed to any violence.
CHAPTER IV
Death of Giovanni de' Medici--His character--Insurrection of
Volterra--Volterra returns to her allegiance--Niccolo Fortebraccio
attacks the Lucchese--Diversity of opinion about the Lucchese war
--War with Lucca--Astore Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi
appointed commissaries--Violence of Astorre Gianni.
About this time Giovanni de' Medici was taken ill, and finding his end
approach, called his sons Cosmo and Lorenzo to him, to give them his
last advice, and said, "I find I have nearly reached the term which
God and nature appointed at my birth, and I die content, knowing that
I leave you rich, healthy, and of such standing in society, that if
you pursue the same course that I have, you will live respected in
Florence, and in favor with everyone. Nothing cheers me so much at
this moment, as the recollection that I have never willfully offended
anyone; but have always used my utmost endeavors to confer benefits
upon all. I would have you do so too. With regard to state affairs, if
you would live in security, take just such a share as the laws and
your countrymen think proper to bestow, thus you will escape both
danger and envy; for it is not what is given to any individual, but
what he has determined to possess, that occasions odium. You will thus
have a larger share than those who endeavor to engross more than
belongs to them; for they thus usually lose their own, and before they
lose it, live in constant disquiet. By adopting this method, although
among so many enemies, and surrounded by so many conflicting
interests, I have not only maintained my reputation but increased my
influence. If you pursue the same course, you will be attended by the
same good fortune; if otherwise, you may be assured, your end will
resemble that of those who in our own times have brought ruin both
upon themselves and their families." Soon after this interview with
his sons, Giovanni died, regretted by everyone, as his many
excellencies deserved. He was compassionate; not only bestowing alms
on those who asked them, but very frequently relieving the necessities
of the poor, without having been solicited so to do. He loved all;
praised the good, and pitied the infirmities of the wicked. He never
sought the honors of government; yet enjoyed them all; and never went
to the palace unless by request. He loved peace and shunned war;
relieved mankind in adversity, and assisted them in prosperity; never
applied the public money to his own uses, but contributed to the
public wealth. He was courteous in office; not a man of great
eloquence, but possessed of extraordinary prudence. His demeanor
expressed melancholy; but after a short time his conversation became
pleasant and facetious. He died exceedingly rich in money, but still
more in good fame and the best wishes of mankind; and the wealth and
respect he left behind him were not only preserved but increased by
his son Cosmo.
The Volterran ambassadors grew weary of lying in prison, and to obtain
their liberty pro
mised to comply with the commands of the Florentines.
Being set free and returned to their city, the time arrived for the
new Priors to enter upon office, and among those who were drawn, was
one named Giusto, a plebeian, but possessing great influence with his
class, and one of those who had been imprisoned at Florence. He, being
inflamed with hatred against the Florentines on account of his public
as well as personal injuries, was further stimulated by Giovanni di
Contugi, a man of noble family, and his colleague in office, to induce
the people, by the authority of the Priors and his own influence, to
withdraw their country from the power of the Florentines, and make
himself prince. Prompted by these motives, Giusto took arms, rode
through the city, seized the Capitano, who resided in it, on behalf of
the Florentines, and with the consent of the people, became lord of
Volterra. This circumstance greatly displeased the Florentines; but
having just made peace with the duke, and the treaty being yet
uninfringed on either side, they bethought themselves in a condition
to recover the place; and that the opportunity might not be lost, they
immediately appointed Rinaldo degli Albizzi and Palla Strozzi
commissaries, and sent them upon the expedition. In the meantime,
Giusto, who expected the Florentines would attack him, requested
assistance of Lucca and Sienna. The latter refused, alleging her
alliance with Florence; and Pagolo Guinigi, to regain the favor of the
Florentines, which he imagined he had lost in the war with the duke
and by his friendship for Filippo, not only refused assistance to
Giusto, but sent his messenger prisoner to Florence.
The commissaries, to come upon the Volterrani unawares, assembled
their cavalry, and having raised a good body of infantry in the Val
d'Arno Inferiore, and the country about Pisa, proceeded to Volterra.
Although attacked by the Florentines and abandoned by his neighbors,
Giusto did not yield to fear; but, trusting to the strength of the
city and the ruggedness of the country around it, prepared for his
defense.
There lived at Volterra one Arcolano, brother of that Giovanni Contugi
who had persuaded Giusto to assume the command. He possessed influence
among the nobility, and having assembled a few of his most
confidential friends, he assured them that by this event, God had come
to the relief of their necessities; for if they would only take arms,
deprive Giusto of the Signory, and give up the city to the
Florentines, they might be sure of obtaining the principal offices,
and the place would retain all its ancient privileges. Having gained
them over, they went to the palace in which Giusto resided; and while
part of them remained below, Arcolano, with three others, proceeded to
the chamber above, where finding him with some citizens, they drew him
aside, as if desirous to communicate something of importance, and
conversing on different subjects, let him to the lower apartment, and
fell upon him with their swords. They, however, were not so quick as
to prevent Giusto from making use of his own weapon; for with it he
seriously wounded two of them; but being unable to resist so many, he
was at last slain, and his body thrown into the street. Arcolano and
his party gave up the city to the Florentine commissaries, who, being
at hand with their forces, immediately took possession; but the
condition of Volterra was worse than before; for among other things
which operated to her disadvantage, most of the adjoining countryside
was separated from her, and she was reduced to the rank of a
vicariate.
Volterra having been lost and recovered almost at the same time,
present circumstances afforded nothing of sufficient importance to
occasion a new war, if ambition had not again provoked one. Niccolo
Fortebraccio, the son of a sister of Braccio da Perugia, had been in
the service of the Florentines during most of their wars with the
duke. Upon the restoration of peace he was discharged; but when the