affair of Volterra took place, being encamped with his people at

  Fucecchio, the commissaries availed themselves both of himself and his

  forces. Some thought that while Rinaldo conducted the expedition along

  with him, he persuaded him, under one pretext or another, to attack

  the Lucchese, assuring him, that if he did so, the Florentines would

  consent to undertake an expedition against them, and would appoint him

  to the command. When Volterra was recovered, and Niccolo returned to

  his quarters at Fucecchio, he, either at the persuasion of Rinaldo, or

  of his own accord, in November, 1429, took possession of Ruoti and

  Compito, castles belonging to the Lucchese, with three hundred cavalry

  and as many infantry, and then descending into the plain, plundered

  the inhabitants to a vast amount. The news of this incursion having

  reached Florence, persons of all classes were seen gathered in parties

  throughout the city discussing the matter, and nearly all were in

  favor of an expedition against Lucca. Of the Grandees thus disposed,

  were the Medici and their party, and with them also Rinaldo, either

  because he thought the enterprise beneficial to the republic, or

  induced by his own ambition and the expectation of being appointed to

  the command. Niccolo da Uzzano and his party were opposed to the war.

  It seems hardly credible that such contrary opinions should prevail,

  though at different times, in the same men and the same city, upon the

  subject of war; for the same citizens and people that, during the ten

  years of peace had incessantly blamed the war undertaken against Duke

  Filippo, in defense of liberty, now, after so much expense and

  trouble, with their utmost energy, insisted on hostilities against

  Lucca, which, if successful, would deprive that city of her liberty;

  while those who had been in favor of a war with the duke, were opposed

  to the present; so much more ready are the multitude to covet the

  possessions of others than to preserve their own, and so much more

  easily are they led by the hope of acquisition than by the fear of

  loss. The suggestions of the latter appear incredible till they are

  verified; and the pleasing anticipations of the former are cherished

  as facts, even while the advantages are very problematical, or at

  best, remote. The people of Florence were inspired with hope, by the

  acquisitions which Niccolo Fortebraccio had made, and by letters

  received from their rectors in the vicinity of Lucca; for their

  deputies at Vico and Pescia had written, that if permission were given

  to them to receive the castles that offered to surrender, the whole

  country of Lucca would very soon be obtained. It must, however, be

  added, that an ambassador was sent by the governor of Lucca to

  Florence, to complain of the attack made by Niccolo, and to entreat

  that the Signory would not make war against a neighbor, and a city

  that had always been friendly to them. The ambassador was Jacopo

  Viviani, who, a short time previously, had been imprisoned by Pagolo

  Guinigi, governor of Lucca, for having conspired against him. Although

  he had been found guilty, his life was spared, and as Pagolo thought

  the forgiveness mutual, he reposed confidence in him. Jacopo, more

  mindful of the danger he had incurred than of the lenity exercised

  toward him, on his arrival in Florence secretly instigated the

  citizens to hostilities; and these instigations, added to other hopes,

  induced the Signory to call the Council together, at which 498

  citizens assembled, before whom the principal men of the city

  discussed the question.

  Among the first who addressed the assembly in favor of the expedition,

  was Rinaldo. He pointed out the advantage that would accrue from the

  acquisition, and justified the enterprise from its being left open to

  them by the Venetians and the duke, and that as the pope was engaged

  in the affairs of Naples, he could not interfere. He then remarked

  upon the facility of the expedition, showing that Lucca, being now in

  bondage to one of her own citizens, had lost her natural vigor and

  former anxiety for the preservation of her liberty, and would either

  be surrendered to them by the people in order to expel the tyrant, or

  by the tyrant for fear of the people. He recalled the remembrance of

  the injuries done to the republic by the governor of Lucca; his

  malevolent disposition toward them; and their embarrassing situation

  with regard to him, if the pope or the duke were to make war upon

  them; and concluded that no enterprise was ever undertaken by the

  people of Florence with such perfect facility, more positive

  advantage, or greater justice in its favor.

  In a reply to this, Niccolo da Uzzano stated that the city of Florence

  never entered on a more unjust or more dangerous project, or one more

  pregnant with evil, than this. In the first place they were going to

  attack a Guelphic city, that had always been friendly to the

  Florentine people, and had frequently, at great hazard, received the

  Guelphs into her bosom when they were expelled from their own country.

  That in the history of the past there was not an instance, while Lucca

  was free, of her having done an injury to the Florentines; and that if

  they had been injured by her enslavers, as formerly by Castruccio, and

  now by the present governor, the fault was not in the city, but in her

  tyrant. That if they could assail the latter without detriment to the

  people, he should have less scruple, but as this was impossible, he

  could not consent that a city which had been friendly to Florence

  should be plundered of her wealth. However, as it was usual at present

  to pay little or no regard either to equity or injustice, he would

  consider the matter solely with reference to the advantage of

  Florence. He thought that what could not easily be attended by

  pernicious consequences might be esteemed useful, but he could not

  imagine how an enterprise should be called advantageous in which the

  evils were certain and the utility doubtful. The certain evils were

  the expenses with which it would be attended; and these, he foresaw,

  would be sufficiently great to alarm even a people that had long been

  in repose, much more one wearied, as they were, by a tedious and

  expensive war. The advantage that might be gained was the acquisition

  of Lucca, which he acknowledged to be great; but the hazards were so

  enormous and immeasurable, as in his opinion to render the conquest

  quite impossible. He could not induce himself to believe that the

  Venetians, or Filippo, would willingly allow them to make the

  acquisition; for the former only consented in appearance, in order to

  avoid the semblance of ingratitude, having so lately, with Florentine

  money, acquired such an extent of dominion. That as regarded the duke,

  it would greatly gratify him to see them involved in new wars and

  expenses; for, being exhausted and defeated on all sides, he might

  again assail them; and that if, after having undertaken it, their

  enterprise against Lucca were to prove successful, and offer them the

  fullest hope of victory,
the duke would not want an opportunity of

  frustrating their labors, either by assisting the Lucchese secretly

  with money, or by apparently disbanding his own troops, and then

  sending them, as if they were soldiers of fortune, to their relief. He

  therefore advised that they should give up the idea, and behave toward

  the tyrant in such a way as to create him as many enemies as possible;

  for there was no better method of reducing Lucca than to let them live

  under the tyrant, oppressed and exhausted by him; for, if prudently

  managed, that city would soon get into such a condition that he could

  not retain it, and being ignorant or unable to govern itself, it must

  of necessity fall into their power. But he saw that his discourse did

  not please them, and that his words were unheeded; he would, however,

  predict this to them, that they were about to commence a war in which

  they would expend vast sums, incur great domestic dangers, and instead

  of becoming masters of Lucca, they would deliver her from her tyrant,

  and of a friendly city, feeble and oppressed, they would make one free

  and hostile, and that in time she would become an obstacle to the

  greatness of their own republic.

  The question having been debated on both sides, they proceeded to

  vote, as usual, and of the citizens present only ninety-eight were

  against the enterprise. Thus determined in favor of war, they

  appointed a Council of Ten for its management, and hired forces, both

  horse and foot. Astorre Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi were

  appointed commissaries, and Niccolo Fortebraccio, on agreeing to give

  up to the Florentines the places he had taken, was engaged to conduct

  the enterprise as their captain. The commissaries having arrived with

  the army in the country of the Lucchese, divided their forces; one

  part of which, under Astorre, extended itself along the plain, toward

  Camaiore and Pietrasanta, while Rinaldo, with the other division, took

  the direction of the hills, presuming that when the citizens found

  themselves deprived of the surrounding country, they would easily

  submit. The proceedings of the commissaries were unfortunate, not that

  they failed to occupy many places, but from the complaints made

  against them of mismanaging the operations of the war; and Astorre

  Gianni had certainly given very sufficient cause for the charges

  against him.

  There is a fertile and populous valley near Pietrasanta, called

  Seravezza, whose inhabitants, on learning the arrival of the

  commissary, presented themselves before him and begged he would

  receive them as faithful subjects of the Florentine republic. Astorre

  pretended to accept their proposal, but immediately ordered his forces

  to take possession of all the passes and strong positions of the

  valley, assembled the men in the principal church, took them all

  prisoners, and then caused his people to plunder and destroy the whole

  country, with the greatest avarice and cruelty, making no distinction

  in favor of consecrated places, and violating the women, both married

  and single. These things being known in Florence, displeased not only

  the magistracy, but the whole city.

  CHAPTER V

  The inhabitants of Seravezza appeal to the Signory--Complaints

  against Rinaldo degli Albizzi--The commissaries changed--Filippo

  Brunelleschi proposes to submerge the country about Lucca--Pagolo

  Guinigi asks assistance of the duke of Milan--The duke sends

  Francesco Sforza--Pagolo Guinigi expelled--The Florentines routed

  by the forces of the duke--The acquisitions of the Lucchese after

  the victory--Conclusion of the war.

  A few of the inhabitants of the valley of Seravezza, having escaped

  the hands of the commissary, came to Florence and acquainted every one

  in the streets with their miserable situation; and by the advice of

  those who, either through indignation at his wickedness or from being

  of the opposite party, wished to punish the commissary, they went to

  the Council of Ten, and requested an audience. This being granted, one

  of them spoke to the following effect: "We feel assured, magnificent

  lords, that we shall find credit and compassion from the Signory, when

  you learn how your commissary has taken possession of our country, and

  in what manner he has treated us. Our valley, as the memorials of your

  ancient houses abundantly testify, was always Guelphic, and has often

  proved a secure retreat to your citizens when persecuted by the

  Ghibellines. Our forefathers, and ourselves too, have always revered

  the name of this noble republic as the leader and head of their party.

  While the Lucchese were Guelphs we willingly submitted to their

  government; but when enslaved by the tyrant, who forsook his old

  friends to join the Ghibelline faction, we have obeyed him more

  through force than good will. And God knows how often we have prayed,

  that we might have an opportunity of showing our attachment to our

  ancient party. But how blind are mankind in their wishes! That which

  we desired for our safety has proved our destruction. As soon as we

  learned that your ensigns were approaching, we hastened to meet your

  commissary, not as an enemy, but as the representative of our ancient

  lords; placed our valley, our persons, and our fortunes in his hands,

  and commended them to his good faith, believing him to possess the

  soul, if not of a Florentine, at least of a man. Your lordships will

  forgive us; for, unable to support his cruelties, we are compelled to

  speak. Your commissary has nothing of the man but the shape, nor of a

  Florentine but the name; a more deadly pest, a more savage beast, a

  more horrid monster never was imagined in the human mind; for, having

  assembled us in our church under pretense of wishing to speak with us,

  he made us prisoners. He then burned and destroyed the whole valley,

  carried off our property, ravaged every place, destroyed everything,

  violated the women, dishonored the virgins, and dragging them from the

  arms of their mothers, gave them up to the brutality of his soldiery.

  If by any injury to the Florentine people we merited such treatment,

  or if he had vanquished us armed in our defense, we should have less

  reason for complaint; we should have accused ourselves, and thought

  that either our mismanagement or our arrogance had deservedly brought

  the calamity upon us; but after having freely presented ourselves to

  him unarmed, to be robbed and plundered with such unfeeling barbarity,

  is more than we can bear. And though we might have filled Lombardy

  with complaints and charges against this city, and spread the story of

  our misfortunes over the whole of Italy, we did not wish to slander so

  just and pious a republic, with the baseness and perfidy of one wicked

  citizen, whose cruelty and avarice, had we known them before our ruin

  was complete, we should have endeavored to satiate (though indeed they

  are insatiable), and with one-half of our property have saved the

  rest. But the opportunity is past; we are compelled to have recourse

  to you, and beg that you will succor the distress
es of your subjects,

  that others may not be deterred by our example from submitting

  themselves to your authority. And if our extreme distress cannot

  prevail with you to assist us, be induced, by your fear of the wrath

  of God, who has seen his temple plundered and burned, and his people

  betrayed in his bosom." Having said this they threw themselves on the

  ground, crying aloud, and praying that their property and their

  country might be restored to them; and that if the Signory could not

  give them back their honor, they would, at least, restore husbands to

  their wives, and children to their fathers. The atrocity of the affair

  having already been made known, and now by the living words of the

  sufferers presented before them, excited the compassion of the

  magistracy. They ordered the immediate return of Astorre, who being

  tried, was found guilty, and admonished. They sought the goods of the

  inhabitants of Seravezza; all that could be recovered was restored to

  them, and as time and circumstance gave opportunity, they were

  compensated for the rest.

  Complaints were made against Rinaldo degli Albizzi, that he carried on

  the war, not for the advantage of the Florentine people, but his own

  private emolument; that as soon as he was appointed commissary, he

  lost all desire to take Lucca, for it was sufficient for him to

  plunder the country, fill his estates with cattle, and his house with

  booty; and, not content with what his own satellites took, he

  purchased that of the soldiery, so that instead of a commissary he

  became a merchant. These calumnies coming to his ears, disturbed the

  temper of this proud but upright man, more than quite became his

  dignity. He was so exasperated against the citizens and magistracy,

  that without waiting for or asking permission, he returned to

  Florence, and, presenting himself before the Council of Ten, he said

  that he well knew how difficult and dangerous a thing it was to serve

  an unruly people and a divided city, for the one listens to every

  report, the other pursues improper measures; they neglect to reward

  good conduct, and heap censure upon whatever appears doubtful; so that

  victory wins no applause, error is accused by all, and if vanquished,

  universal condemnation is incurred; from one's own party through envy,

  and from enemies through hatred, persecution results. He confessed

  that the baseness of the present calumnies had conquered his patience

  and changed the temper of his mind; but he would say, he had never,

  for fear of a false accusation, avoided doing what appeared to him

  beneficial to the city. However, he trusted the magistrates would in

  future be more ready to defend their fellow-citizens, so that the

  latter might continue anxious to effect the prosperity of their

  country; that as it was not customary at Florence to award triumphs

  for success, they ought at least to be protected from calumny; and

  that being citizens themselves, and at any moment liable to false

  accusations, they might easily conceive how painful it is to an

  upright mind to be oppressed with slander. The Ten endeavored, as well

  as circumstances would admit, to soothe the acerbity of his feelings,

  and confided the care of the expedition to Neri di Gino and Alamanno

  Salviati, who, instead of overrunning the country, advanced near to

  Lucca. As the weather had become extremely cold, the forces

  established themselves at Campannole, which seemed to the commissaries

  waste of time; and wishing to draw nearer the place, the soldiery

  refused to comply, although the Ten had insisted they should pitch

  their camp before the city, and would not hear of any excuse.

  At that time there lived at Florence, a very distinguished architect,

  named Filippo di Ser Brunelleschi, of whose works our city is full,

  and whose merit was so extraordinary, that after his death his statue

  in marble was erected in the principal church, with an inscription

  underneath, which still bears testimony to those who read it, of his