great talents. This man pointed out, that in consequence of the
relative positions of the river Serchio and the city of Lucca, the
wastes of the river might be made to inundate the surrounding country,
and place the city in a kind of lake. His reasoning on this point
appeared so clear, and the advantage to the besiegers so obvious and
inevitable, that the Ten were induced to make the experiment. The
result, however, was quite contrary to their expectation, and produced
the utmost disorder in the Florentine camp; for the Lucchese raised
high embankments in the direction of the ditch made by our people to
conduct the waters of the Serchio, and one night cut through the
embankment of the ditch itself, so that having first prevented the
water from taking the course designed by the architect, they now
caused it to overflow the plain, and compelled the Florentines,
instead of approaching the city as they wished, to take a more remote
position.
The design having failed, the Council of Ten, who had been re-elected,
sent as commissary, Giovanni Guicciardini, who encamped before Lucca,
with all possible expedition. Pagolo Guinigi finding himself thus
closely pressed, by the advice of Antonio del Rosso, then
representative of the Siennese at Lucca, sent Salvestro Trento and
Leonardo Bonvisi to Milan, to request assistance from the duke; but
finding him indisposed to comply, they secretly engaged, on the part
of the people, to deliver their governor up to him and give him
possession of the place; at the same time intimating, that if he did
not immediately follow this advice, he would not long have the
opportunity, since it was the intention of Pagolo to surrender the
city to the Florentines, who were very anxious to obtain it. The duke
was so much alarmed with this idea, that, setting aside all other
considerations, he caused Count Francesco Sforza, who was engaged in
his service, to make a public request for permission to go to Naples;
and having obtained it, he proceeded with his forces directly to
Lucca, though the Florentines, aware of the deception, and
apprehensive of the consequences, had sent to the count, Boccacino
Alamanni, his friend, to frustrate this arrangement. Upon the arrival
of the count at Lucca, the Florentines removed their camp to
Librafatta, and the count proceeded immediately to Pescia, where
Pagolo Diacceto was lieutenant governor, who, promoted by fear rather
than any better motive, fled to Pistoia, and if the place had not been
defended by Giovanni Malavolti, to whom the command was intrusted, it
would have been lost. The count failing in his attempt went to Borgo a
Buggiano which he took, and burned the castle of Stigliano, in the
same neighborhood.
The Florentines being informed of these disasters, found they must
have recourse to those remedies which upon former occasions had often
proved useful. Knowing that with mercenary soldiers, when force is
insufficient, corruption commonly prevails, they offered the count a
large sum of money on condition that he should quit the city, and give
it up to them. The count finding that no more money was to be had from
Lucca, resolved to take it of those who had it to dispense, and agreed
with the Florentines, not to give them Lucca, which for decency he
could not consent to, but to withdraw his troops, and abandon it, on
condition of receiving fifty thousand ducats; and having made this
agreement, to induce the Lucchese to excuse him to the duke, he
consented that they should expel their tyrant.
Antonio del Rosso, as we remarked above, was Siennese ambassador at
Lucca, and with the authority of the count he contrived the ruin of
Pagolo Guinigi. The heads of the conspiracy were Pierro Cennami and
Giovanni da Chivizzano. The count resided upon the Serchio, at a short
distance from the city, and with him was Lanzilao, the son of Pagolo.
The conspirators, about forty in number, went armed at night in search
of Pagolo, who, on hearing the noise they made, came toward them quite
astonished, and demanded the cause of their visit; to which Piero
Cennami replied, that they had long been governed by him, and led
about against the enemy, to die either by hunger or the sword, but
were resolved to govern themselves for the future, and demanded the
keys of the city and the treasure. Pagolo said the treasure was
consumed, but the keys and himself were in their power; he only begged
that as his command had begun and continued without bloodshed, it
might conclude in the same manner. Count Francesco conducted Pagolo
and his son to the duke, and they afterward died in prison.
The departure of the count having delivered Lucca from her tyrant, and
the Florentines from their fear of his soldiery, the former prepared
for her defense, and the latter resumed the siege. They appointed the
count of Urbino to conduct their forces, and he pressed the Lucchese
so closely, that they were again compelled to ask the assistance of
the duke, who dispatched Niccolo Piccinino, under the same pretense as
he previously sent Count Francesco. The Florentine forces met him on
his approach to Lucca, and at the passage of the Serchio a battle
ensued, in which they were routed, the commissary with a few of his
men escaping to Pisa. This defeat filled the Florentines with dismay,
and as the enterprise had been undertaken with the entire approbation
of the great body of the people, they did not know whom to find fault
with, and therefore railed against those who had been appointed to the
management of the war, reviving the charges made against Rinaldo. They
were, however, more severe against Giovanni Guicciardini than any
other, declaring that if he had wished, he might have put a period to
the war at the departure of Count Francesco, but that he had been
bribed with money, for he had sent home a large sum, naming the party
who had been intrusted to bring it, and the persons to whom it had
been delivered. These complaints and accusations were carried to so
great a length that the captain of the people, induced by the public
voice, and pressed by the party opposed to the war, summoned him to
trial. Giovanni appeared, though full of indignation. However his
friends, from regard to their own character, adopted such a course
with the Capitano as induced him to abandon the inquiry.
After this victory, the Lucchese not only recovered the places that
had belonged to them, but occupied all the country of Pisa except
Beintina, Calcinaja, Livorno, and Librafatta; and, had not a
conspiracy been discovered that was formed in Pisa, they would have
secured that city also. The Florentines again prepared for battle, and
appointed Micheletto, a pupil of Sforza, to be their leader. The duke,
on the other hand, followed up this victory, and that he might bring a
greater power against the Florentines, induced the Genoese, the
Siennese, and the governor of Piombino, to enter into a league for the
defense of Lucca, and to engage Niccolo Piccinino to conduct their
forces. Having by this
step declared his design, the Venetians and the
Florentines renewed their league, and the war was carried on openly in
Tuscany and Lombardy, in each of which several battles were fought
with variety of fortune. At length, both sides being wearied out, they
came to terms for the cessation of hostilities, in May, 1433. By this
arrangement the Florentines, Lucchese, and Siennese, who had each
occupied many fortresses belonging to the others, gave them all up,
and each party resumed its original possessions.
CHAPTER VI
Cosmo de' Medici, his character and mode of proceedings--The
greatness of Cosmo excites the jealousy of the citizens--The
opinion of Niccolo da Uzzano--Scandalous divisions of the
Florentines--Death of Niccolo da Uzzano--Bernardo Guadagni,
Gonfalonier, adopts measures against Cosmo--Cosmo arrested in the
palace--He is apprehensive of attempts against his life.
During the war the malignant humors of the city were in constant
activity. Cosmo de' Medici, after the death of Giovanni, engaged more
earnestly in public affairs, and conducted himself with more zeal and
boldness in regard to his friends than his father had done, so that
those who rejoiced at Giovanni's death, finding what the son was
likely to become, perceived they had no cause for exultation. Cosmo
was one of the most prudent of men; of grave and courteous demeanor,
extremely liberal and humane. He never attempted anything against
parties, or against rulers, but was bountiful to all; and by the
unwearied generosity of his disposition, made himself partisans of all
ranks of the citizens. This mode of proceeding increased the
difficulties of those who were in the government, and Cosmo himself
hoped that by its pursuit he might be able to live in Florence as much
respected and as secure as any other citizen; or if the ambition of
his adversaries compelled him to adopt a different course, arms and
the favor of his friends would enable him to become more so. Averardo
de' Medici and Puccio Pucci were greatly instrumental in the
establishment of his power; the former by his boldness, the latter by
unusual prudence and sagacity, contributed to his aggrandizement.
Indeed the advice of wisdom of Puccio were so highly esteemed, that
Cosmo's party was rather distinguished by the name of Puccio than by
his own.
By this divided city the enterprise against Lucca was undertaken; and
the bitterness of party spirit, instead of being abated, increased.
Although the friends of Cosmo had been in favor of it, many of the
adverse faction were sent to assist in the management, as being men of
greater influence in the state. Averardo de' Medici and the rest being
unable to prevent this, endeavored with all their might to calumniate
them; and when any unfavorable circumstance occurred (and there were
many), fortune and the exertions of the enemy were never supposed to
be the causes, but solely the want of capacity in the commissary. This
disposition aggravated the offenses of Astorre Gianni; this excited
the indignation of Rinaldo degli Albizzi, and made him resign his
commission without leave; this, too, compelled the captain of the
people to require the appearance of Giovanni Guicciardini, and from
this arose all the other charges which were made against the
magistrates and the commissaries. Real evils were magnified, unreal
ones feigned, and the true and the false were equally believed by the
people, who were almost universally their foes.
All these events and extraordinary modes of proceeding were perfectly
known to Niccolo da Uzzano and the other leaders of the party; and
they had often consulted together for the purpose of finding a remedy,
but without effect; though they were aware of the danger of allowing
them to increase, and the great difficulty that would attend any
attempt to remove or abate them. Niccolo da Uzzano was the earliest to
take offense; and while the war was proceeding without, and these
troubles within, Niccolo Barbadoro desirous of inducing him to consent
to the ruin of Cosmo, waited upon him at his house; and finding him
alone in his study, and very pensive, endeavored, with the best
reasons he could advance, to persuade him to agree with Rinaldo on
Cosmo's expulsion. Niccolo da Uzzano replied as follows: "It would be
better for thee and thy house, as well as for our republic, if thou
and those who follow thee in this opinion had beards of silver instead
of gold, as is said of thee; for advice proceeding from the hoary head
of long experience would be wiser and of greater service to all. It
appears to me, that those who talk of driving Cosmo out of Florence
would do well to consider what is their strength, and what that of
Cosmo. You have named one party, that of the nobility, the other that
of the plebeians. If the fact corresponded with the name, the victory
would still be most uncertain, and the example of the ancient nobility
of this city, who were destroyed by the plebeians, ought rather to
impress us with fear than with hope. We have, however, still further
cause for apprehension from the division of our party, and the union
of our adversaries. In the first place, Neri di Gino and Nerone di
Nigi, two of our principal citizens, have never so fully declared
their sentiments as to enable us to determine whether they are most
our friends our those of our opponents. There are many families, even
many houses, divided; many are opposed to us through envy of brothers
or relatives. I will recall to your recollection two or three of the
most important; you may think of the others at your leisure. Of the
sons of Maso degli Albizzi, Luca, from envy of Rinaldo, has thrown
himself into their hands. In the house of Guicciardini, of the sons of
Luigi, Piero is the enemy of Giovanni and in favor of our adversaries.
Tommaso and Niccolo Soderini openly oppose us on account of their
hatred of their uncle Francesco. So that if we consider well what we
are, and what our enemies, I cannot see why we should be called NOBLE
any more than they. If it is because they are followed by the
plebeians, we are in a worse condition on that account, and they in a
better; for were it to come either to arms or to votes, we should not
be able to resist them. True it is, we still preserve our dignity, our
precedence, the priority of our position, but this arises from the
former reputation of the government, which has now continued fifty
years; and whenever we come to the proof, or they discover our
weakness we shall lose it. If you were to say, the justice of our
cause ought to augment our influence and diminish theirs I answer,
that this justice requires to be perceived and believed by others as
well as by ourselves, but this is not the case; for the justice of our
cause is wholly founded upon our suspicion that Cosmo designs to make
himself prince of the city. And although we entertain this suspicion
and suppose it to be correct, others have it not; but what is worse,
they charge us with the very design of which we acc
use him. Those
actions of Cosmo which lead us to suspect him are, that he lends money
indiscriminately, and not to private persons only, but to the public;
and not to Florentines only, but to the /condottieri/, the soldiers of
fortune. Besides, he assists any citizen who requires magisterial aid;
and, by the universal interest he possesses in the city, raises first
one friend and then another to higher grades of honor. Therefore, to
adduce our reasons for expelling him, would be to say that he is kind,
generous, liberal, and beloved by all. Now tell me, what law is there
which forbids, disapproves, or condemns men for being pious, liberal,
and benevolent? And though they are all modes adopted by those who aim
at sovereignty, they are not believed to be such, nor have we
sufficient power to make them to be so esteemed; for our conduct has
robbed us of confidence, and the city, naturally partial and (having
always lived in faction) corrupt, cannot lend its attention to such
charges. But even if we were successful in an attempt to expel him
(which might easily happen under a favorable Signory), how could we
(being surrounded by his innumerable friends, who would constantly
reproach us, and ardently desire to see him again in the city) prevent
his return? It would be impossible for they being so numerous, and
having the good will of all upon their side, we should never be secure
from them. And as many of his first discovered friends as you might
expel, so many enemies would you make, so that in a short time he
would return, and the result would be simply this, that we had driven
him out a good man and he had returned to us a bad one; for his nature
would be corrupted by those who recalled him, and he, being under
obligation, could not oppose them. Or should you design to put him to
death, you could not attain your purpose with the magistrates, for his
wealth, and the corruption of your minds, will always save him. But
let us suppose him put to death, or that being banished, he did not
return, I cannot see how the condition of our republic would be
ameliorated; for if we relieve her from Cosmo, we at once make her
subject to Rinaldo, and it is my most earnest desire that no citizen
may ever, in power and authority, surpass the rest. But if one of
these must prevail, I know of no reason that should make me prefer
Rinaldo to Cosmo. I shall only say, may God preserve the city from any
of her citizens usurping the sovereignty, but if our sins have
deserved this, in mercy save us from Rinaldo. I pray thee, therefore,
do not advise the adoption of a course on every account pernicious,
nor imagine that, in union with a few, you would be able to oppose the
will of the many; for the citizens, some from ignorance and others
from malice, are ready to sell the republic at any time, and fortune
has so much favored them, that they have found a purchaser. Take my
advice then; endeavor to live moderately; and with regard to liberty,
you will find as much cause for suspicion in our party as in that of
our adversaries. And when troubles arise, being of neither side, you
will be agreeable to both, and you will thus provide for your own
comfort and do no injury to any."
These words somewhat abated the eagerness of Barbadoro, so that
tranquillity prevailed during the war with Lucca. But this being
ended, and Niccolo da Uzzano dead, the city being at peace and under
no restraint, unhealthy humors increased with fearful rapidity.
Rinaldo, considering himself now the leader of the party, constantly
entreated and urged every citizen whom he thought likely to be
Gonfalonier, to take up arms and deliver the country from him who,
from the malevolence of a few and the ignorance of the multitude, was
inevitably reducing it to slavery. These practices of Rinaldo, and
those of the contrary side, kept the city full of apprehension, so
that whenever a magistracy was created, the numbers of each party
composing it were made publicly known, and upon drawing for the