death. Thus ended his enterprise; and though some may applaud his
intentions, he must stand charged with deficiency of understanding;
for such undertakings, though possessing some slight appearance of
glory, are almost always attended with ruin.
Gherardo Gambacorti was lord of Val di Bagno, and his ancestors as
well as himself had always been in the pay or under the protection of
the Florentines. Alfonso endeavored to induce him to exchange his
territory for another in the kingdom of Naples. This became known to
the Signory, who, in order to ascertain his designs, sent an
ambassador to Gambacorti, to remind him of the obligations of his
ancestors and himself to their republic, and induce him to continue
faithful to them. Gherardo affected the greatest astonishment, assured
the ambassador with solemn oaths that no such treacherous thought had
ever entered his mind, and that he would gladly go to Florence and
pledge himself for the truth of his assertions; but being unable, from
indisposition, he would send his son as an hostage. These assurances,
and the proposal with which they were accompanied, induced the
Florentines to think Gherardo had been slandered, and that his accuser
must be alike weak and treacherous. Gherardo, however, hastened his
negotiation with redoubled zeal, and having arranged the terms,
Alfonso sent Frate Puccio, a knight of Jerusalem, with a strong body
of men to the Val di Bagno, to take possession of the fortresses and
towns, the people of which, being attached to the Florentine republic,
submitted unwillingly.
Frate Puccio had already taken possession of nearly the whole
territory, except the fortress of Corzano. Gambacorti was accompanied,
while transferring his dominions, by a young Pisan of great courage
and address, named Antonio Gualandi, who, considering the whole
affair, the strength of the place, the well known bravery of the
garrison, their evident reluctance to give it up, and the baseness of
Gambacorti, at once resolved to make an effort to prevent the
fulfillment of his design; and Gherardo being at the entrance, for the
purpose of introducing the Aragonese, he pushed him out with both his
hands, and commanded the guards to shut the gate upon such a
scoundrel, and hold the fortress for the Florentine republic. When
this circumstance became known in Bagno and the neighboring places,
the inhabitants took up arms against the king's forces, and, raising
the Florentine standard, drove them out. The Florentines learning
these events, imprisoned Gherardo's son, and sent troops to Bagno for
the defense of the territory, which having hitherto been governed by
its own prince, now became a vicariate. The traitor Gherardo escaped
with difficulty, leaving his wife, family, and all his property, in
the hands of those whom he had endeavored to betray. This affair was
considered by the Florentines of great importance; for had the king
succeeded in securing the territory, he might have overrun the Val di
Tavere and the Casentino at his pleasure, and would have caused so
much annoyance, that they could no longer have allowed their whole
force to act against the army of the Aragonese at Sienna.
In addition to the preparations made by the Florentines in Italy to
resist the hostile League, they sent as ambassador, Agnolo Acciajuoli,
to request that the king of France would allow Ren? of Anjou to enter
Italy in favor of the duke and themselves, and also, that by his
presence in the country, he might defend his friends and attempt the
recovery of the kingdom of Naples; for which purpose they offered him
assistance in men and money. While the war was proceeding in Lombardy
and Tuscany, the ambassador effected an arrangement with King Ren?,
who promised to come into Italy during the month of June, the League
engaging to pay him thirty thousand florins upon his arrival at
Alexandria, and ten thousand per month during the continuance of the
war. In pursuance of this treaty, King Ren? commenced his march into
Italy, but was stopped by the duke of Savoy and the marquis of
Montferrat, who, being in alliance with the Venetians, would not allow
him to pass. The Florentine ambassador advised, that in order to
uphold the influence of his friends, he should return to Provence, and
conduct part of his forces into Italy by sea, and, in the meantime,
endeavor, by the authority of the king of France, to obtain a passage
for the remainder through the territories of the duke. This plan was
completely successful; for Ren? came into Italy by sea, and his
forces, by the mediation of the king of France, were allowed a passage
through Savoy. King Ren? was most honorably received by Duke
Francesco, and joining his French with the Italian forces, they
attacked the Venetians with so much impetuosity, that they shortly
recovered all the places which had been taken in the Cremonese. Not
content with this, they occupied nearly the whole Brescian territory;
so that the Venetians, unable to keep the field, withdrew close to the
walls of Brescia.
Winter coming on, the duke deemed it advisable to retire into
quarters, and appointed Piacenza for the forces of Ren?, where, having
passed the whole of the cold season of 1453, without attempting
anything, the duke thought of taking the field, on the approach of
spring, and stripping the Venetians of the remainder of their
possessions by land, but was informed by the king that he was obliged
of necessity to return to France. This determination was quite new and
unexpected to the duke, and caused him the utmost concern; but though
he immediately went to dissuade Ren? from carrying it into effect, he
was unable either by promises or entreaties to divert him from his
purpose. He engaged, however, to leave part of his forces, and send
his son for the service of the League. The Florentines were not
displeased at this; for having recovered their territories and
castles, they were no longer in fear of Alfonso, and on the other
hand, they did not wish the duke to obtain any part of Lombardy but
what belonged to him. Ren? took his departure, and send his son John
into Italy, according to his promise, who did not remain in Lombardy,
but came direct to Florence, where he was received with the highest
respect.
The king's departure made the duke desirous of peace. The Venetians,
Alfonso, and the Florentines, being all weary of the war, were
similarly disposed; and the pope continued to wish it as much as ever;
for during this year the Turkish emperor, Mohammed, had taken
Constantinople and subdued the whole of Greece. This conquest alarmed
the Christians, more especially the Venetians and the pope, who
already began to fancy the Mohammedans at their doors. The pope
therefore begged the Italian potentates to send ambassadors to
himself, with authority to negotiate a general peace, with which all
complied; but when the particular circumstances of each case came to
be considered, many difficulties were found in the war of effecting
it. King Alfo
nso required the Florentines to reimburse the expenses he
had incurred in the war, and the Florentines demanded some
compensation from him. The Venetians thought themselves entitled to
Cremona from the duke; while he insisted upon the restoration of
Bergamo, Brescia, and Crema; so that it seemed impossible to reconcile
such conflicting claims. But what could not be effected by a number at
Rome was easily managed at Milan and Venice by two; for while the
matter was under discussion at Rome, the duke and the Venetians came
to an arrangement on the ninth of April, 1454, by virtue of which,
each party resumed what they possessed before the war, the duke being
allowed to recover from the princes of Montferrat and Savoy the places
they had taken. To the other Italian powers a month was allowed to
ratify the treaty. The pope and the Florentines, and with them the
Siennese and other minor powers, acceded to it within the time.
Besides this, the Florentines, the Venetians, and the duke concluded a
treaty of peace for twenty-five years. King Alfonso alone exhibited
dissatisfaction at what had taken place, thinking he had not been
sufficiently considered, that he stood, not on the footing of a
principal, but only ranked as an auxiliary, and therefore kept aloof,
and would not disclose his intentions. However, after receiving a
legate from the pope, and many solemn embassies from other powers, he
allowed himself to be persuaded, principally by means of the pontiff,
and with his son joined the League for thirty years. The duke and the
king also contracted a twofold relationship and double marriage, each
giving a daughter to a son of the other. Notwithstanding this, that
Italy might still retain the seeds of war, Alfonso would not consent
to the peace, unless the League would allow him, without injury to
themselves, to make war upon the Genoese, Gismondo Malatesti, and
Astorre, prince of Faenza. This being conceded, his son Ferrando, who
was at Sienna, returned to the kingdom, having by his coming into
Tuscany acquired no dominion and lost a great number of his men.
Upon the establishment of a general peace, the only apprehension
entertained was, that it would be disturbed by the animosity of
Alfonso against the Genoese; yet it happened otherwise. The king,
indeed, did not openly infringe the peace, but it was frequently
broken by the ambition of the mercenary troops. The Venetians, as
usual on the conclusion of a war, had discharged Jacopo Piccinino, who
with some other unemployed condottieri, marched into Romagna, thence
into the Siennese, and halting in the country, took possession of many
places. At the commencement of these disturbances, and the beginning
of the year 1455, Pope Nicholas died, and was succeeded by Calixtus
III., who, to put a stop to the war newly broken out so near home,
immediately sent Giovanni Ventimiglia, his general, with what forces
he could furnish. These being joined by the troops of the Florentines
and the duke of Milan, both of whom furnished assistance, attacked
Jacopo, near Bolsena, and though Ventimiglia was taken prisoner, yet
Jacopo was worsted, and retreated in disorder to Castiglione della
Pescaia, where, had he not been assisted by Alfonso, his force would
have been completely annihilated. This made it evident that Jacopo's
movement had been made by order of Alfonso, and the latter, as if
palpably detected, to conciliate his allies, after having almost
alienated them with this unimportant war, ordered Jacopo to restore to
the Siennese the places he had taken, and they gave him twenty
thousand florins by way of ransom, after which he and his forces were
received into the kingdom of Naples.
CHAPTER VII
Christendom alarmed by the progress of the Turks--The Turks routed
before Belgrade--Description of a remarkable hurricane--War
against the Genoese and Gismondo Malatesti--Genoa submits to the
king of France--Death of Alfonso king of Naples--Succeeded by his
son Ferrando--The pope designs to give the kingdom of Naples to
his nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia--Eulogy of Pius II.--Disturbances
in Genoa between John of Anjou and the Fregosi--The Fregosi
subdued--John attacks the kingdom of Naples--Ferrando king of
Naples routed--Ferrando reinstated--The Genoese cast off the
French yoke--John of Anjou routed in the kingdom of Naples.
The pope, though anxious to restrain Jacopo Piccinino, did not neglect
to make provision for the defense of Christendom, which seemed in
danger from the Turks. He sent ambassadors and preachers into every
Christian country, to exhort princes and people to arm in defense of
their religion, and with their persons and property to contribute to
the enterprise against the common enemy. In Florence, large sums were
raised, and many citizens bore the mark of a red cross upon their
dress to intimate their readiness to become soldiers of the faith.
Solemn processions were made, and nothing was neglected either in
public or private, to show their willingness to be among the most
forward to assist the enterprise with money, counsel, or men. But the
eagerness for this crusade was somewhat abated, by learning that the
Turkish army, being at the siege of Belgrade, a strong city and
fortress in Hungary, upon the banks of the Danube, had been routed and
the emperor wounded; so that the alarm felt by the pope and all
Christendom, on the loss of Constantinople, having ceased to operate,
they proceeded with deliberately with their preparations for war; and
in Hungary their zeal was cooled through the death of Giovanni Corvini
the Waiwode, who commanded the Hungarian forces on that memorable
occasion, and fell in the battle.
To return to the affairs of Italy. In the year 1456, the disturbances
occasioned by Jacopo Piccinino having subsided, and human weapons laid
aside, the heavens seemed to make war against the earth; dreadful
tempestuous winds then occurring, which produced effects unprecedented
in Tuscany, and which to posterity will appear marvelous and
unaccountable. On the twenty-fourth of August, about an hour before
daybreak, there arose from the Adriatic near Ancona, a whirlwind,
which crossing from east to west, again reached the sea near Pisa,
accompanied by thick clouds, and the most intense and impenetrable
darkness, covering a breadth of about two miles in the direction of
its course. Under some natural or supernatural influence, this vast
and overcharged volume of condensed vapor burst; its fragments
contended with indescribable fury, and huge bodies sometimes ascending
toward heaven, and sometimes precipitated upon the earth, struggled,
as it were, in mutual conflict, whirling in circles with intense
velocity, and accompanied by winds, impetuous beyond all conception;
while flashes of awful brilliancy, and murky, lurid flames incessantly
broke forth. From these confused clouds, furious winds, and momentary
fires, sounds issued, of which no earthquake or thunder ever heard
could afford the least idea; striking such a
we into all, that it was
thought the end of the world had arrived, that the earth, waters,
heavens, and entire universe, mingling together, were being resolved
into their ancient chaos. Wherever this awful tempest passed, it
produced unprecedented and marvelous effects; but these were more
especially experienced near the castle of St. Casciano, about eight
miles from Florence, upon the hill which separates the valleys of Pisa
and Grieve. Between this castle and the Borgo St. Andrea, upon the
same hill, the tempest passed without touching the latter, and in the
former, only threw down some of the battlements and the chimneys of a
few houses; but in the space between them, it leveled many buildings
quite to the ground. The roofs of the churches of St. Martin, at
Bagnolo, and Santa Maria della Pace, were carried more than a mile,
unbroken as when upon their respective edifices. A muleteer and his
beasts were driven from the road into the adjoining valley, and found
dead. All the large oaks and lofty trees which could not bend beneath
its influence, were not only stripped of their branches but borne to a
great distance from the places where they grew, and when the tempest
had passed over and daylight made the desolation visible, the
inhabitants were transfixed with dismay. The country had lost all its
habitable character; churches and dwellings were laid in heaps;
nothing was heard but the lamentations of those whose possessions had
perished, or whose cattle or friends were buried beneath the ruins;
and all who witnessed the scene were filled with anguish or
compassion. It was doubtless the design of the Omnipotent, rather to
threaten Tuscany than to chastise her; for had the hurricane been
directed over the city, filled with houses and inhabitants, instead of
proceeding among oaks and elms, or small and thinly scattered
dwellings, it would have been such a scourge as the mind, with all its
ideas of horror, could not have conceived. But the Almighty desired
that this slight example should suffice to recall the minds of men to
a knowledge of himself and of his power.
To return to our history. King Alfonso was dissatisfied with the
peace, and as the war which he had unnecessarily caused Jacopo
Piccinino to make against the Siennese, had produced no important
result, he resolved to try what could be done against those whom the
conditions of the League permitted him to attack. He therefore, in the
year 1456, assailed the Genoese, both by sea and by land, designing to
deprive the Fregosi of the government and restore the Adorni. At the
same time, he ordered Jacopo Piccinino to cross the Tronto, and attack
Gismondo Malatesti, who, having fortified his territories, did not
concern himself, and this part of the king's enterprise produced no
effect; but his proceedings against Genoa occasioned more wars against
himself and his kingdom than he could have wished. Piero Fregoso was
then doge of Genoa, and doubting his ability to sustain the attack of
the king, he determined to give what he could not hold, to some one
who might defend it against his enemies, in hope, that at a future
period, he should obtain a return for the benefit conferred. He
therefore sent ambassadors to Charles VII. of France, and offered him
the government of Genoa. Charles accepted the offer, and sent John of
Anjou, the son of King Ren?, who had a short time previously left
Florence and returned to France, to take possession with the idea,
that he, having learned the manners and customs of Italy, would be
able to govern the city; and also that this might give him an
opportunity of undertaking the conquest of Naples, of which Ren?,
John's father, had been deprived by Alfonso. John, therefore,
proceeded to Genoa, where he was received as prince, and the
fortresses, both of the city and the government, given up to him. This
annoyed Alfonso, with the fear that he had brought upon himself too
powerful an enemy. He was not, however, dismayed; but pursued his
enterprise vigorously, and had led his fleet to Porto, below