Villamarina, when he died after a sudden illness, and thus John and
the Genoese were relieved from the war. Ferrando, who succeeded to the
kingdom of his father Alfonso, became alarmed at having so powerful an
enemy in Italy, and was doubtful of the disposition of many of his
barons, who being desirous of change, he feared would take part with
the French. He was also apprehensive of the pope, whose ambition he
well knew, and who seeing him new in the government, might design to
take it from him. He had no hope except from the duke of Milan, who
entertained no less anxiety concerning the affairs of the kingdom than
Ferrando; for he feared that if the French were to obtain it, they
would endeavor to annex his own dominions; which he knew they
considered to be rightfully their own. He, therefore, soon after the
death of Alfonso, sent letters and forces to Ferrando; the latter to
give him aid and influence, the former to encourage him with an
intimation that he would not, under any circumstances, forsake him.
The pontiff intended, after the death of Alfonso, to give the kingdom
of Naples to his nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia, and, to furnish a
decent pretext for his design and obtain the concurrence of the powers
of Italy in its favor he signified a wish to restore that realm to the
dominion of the church of Rome; and therefore persuaded the duke not
to assist Ferrando. But in the midst of these views and opening
enterprises, Calixtus died, and Pius II. of Siennese origin, of the
family of the Piccolomini, and by name ?neas, succeeded to the
pontificate. This pontiff, free from the ties of private interest,
having no object but to benefit Christendom and honor the church, at
the duke's entreaty crowned Ferrando king of Naples; judging it easier
to establish peace if the kingdom remained in the hands which at
present held it, than if he were to favor the views of the French, or,
as Calixtus purposed, take it for himself. Ferrando, in acknowledgment
of the benefit, created Antonio, one of the pope's nephews, prince of
Malfi, gave him an illegitimate daughter of his own in marriage, and
restored Benevento and Terracina to the church.
It thus appeared that the internal dissensions of Italy might be
quelled, and the pontiff prepared to induce the powers of Christendom
to unite in an enterprise against the Turks (as Calixtus had
previously designed) when differences arose between the Fregosi and
John of Anjou, the lord of Genoa, which occasioned greater and more
important wars than those recently concluded. Pietrino Fregoso was at
his castle of Riviera, and thought he had not been rewarded by John in
proportion to his family's merits; for it was by their means the
latter had become prince of the city. This impression drove the
parties into open enmity; a circumstance gratifying to Ferrando, who
saw in it relief from his troubles, and the sole means of procuring
his safety: he therefore assisted Pietrino with money and men,
trusting to drive John out of the Genoese territory. The latter being
aware of his design, sent for aid to France; and, on obtaining it,
attacked Pietrino, who, through his numerous friends, entertained the
strongest assurance of success; so that John was compelled to keep
within the city, into which Pietrino having entered by night, took
possession of some parts of it; but upon the return of day, his people
were all either slain or made prisoners by John's troops, and he
himself was found among the dead.
This victory gave John hopes of recovering the kingdom; and in
October, 1459, he sailed thither from Genoa, with a powerful fleet,
and landed at Baia; whence he proceeded to Sessa, by the duke of which
place he was favorably received. The prince of Taranto, the Aquilani,
with several cities and other princes, also joined him; so that a
great part of the kingdom fell into his hands. On this Ferrando
applied for assistance to the pope and the duke of Milan; and, to
diminish the number of his enemies, made peace with Gismondo
Malatesti, which gave so much offense to Jacopo Piccinino, the
hereditary enemy of Gismondo, that he resigned his command under
Ferrando, and joined his rival. Ferrando also sent money to Federigo,
lord of Urbino, and collected with all possible speed what was in
those times considered a tolerable army; which, meeting the enemy upon
the river Sarni, an engagement ensued in which Ferrando was routed,
and many of his principal officers taken. After this defeat, the city
of Naples alone, with a few smaller places and princes of inferior
note, adhered to Ferrando, the greater part having submitted to John.
Jacopo Piccinino, after the victory, advised an immediate march upon
Naples; but John declined this, saying, he would first reduce the
remainder of the kingdom, and then attack the seat of government. This
resolution occasioned the failure of his enterprise; for he did not
consider how much more easily the members follow the head than the
head the members.
After his defeat, Ferrando took refuge in Naples, whither the
scattered remnants of his people followed him; and by soliciting his
friends, he obtained money and a small force. He sent again for
assistance to the pope and the duke, by both of whom he was supplied
more liberally and speedily than before; for they began to entertain
most serious apprehensions of his losing the kingdom. His hopes were
thus revived; and, marching from Naples, he regained his reputation in
his dominions, and soon obtained the places of which he had been
deprived. While the war was proceeding in the kingdom, a circumstance
occurred by which John of Anjou lost his influence, and all chance of
success in the enterprise. The Genoese had become so weary of the
haughty and avaricious dominion of the French, that they took arms
against the viceroy, and compelled him to seek refuge in the
castelletto; the Fregosi and the Adorni united in the enterprise
against him, and were assisted with money and troops by the duke of
Milan, both for the recovery and preservation of the government. At
the same time, King Ren? coming with a fleet to the assistance of his
son, and hoping to recover Genoa by means of the castelletto, upon
landing his forces was so completely routed, that he was compelled to
return in disgrace to Provence. When the news of his father's defeat
reached Naples, John was greatly alarmed, but continued the war for a
time by the assistance of those barons who, being rebels, knew they
would obtain no terms from Ferrando. At length, after various trifling
occurrences, the two royal armies came to an engagement, in which John
was routed near Troia, in the year 1463. He was, however, less injured
by his defeat than by the desertion of Jacopo Piccinino, who joined
Ferrando; and, being abandoned by his troops, he was compelled to take
refuge in Istria, and thence withdrew to France. This war continued
four years. John's failure was attributable to negligence; for victory
was often within his grasp, but he did not take proper means to secure
r />
it. The Florentines took no decisive part in this war. John, king of
Aragon, who succeeded upon the death of Alfonso, sent ambassadors to
request their assistance for his nephew Ferrando, in compliance with
the terms of the treaty recently made with his father Alfonso. The
Florentines replied, that they were under no obligation; that they did
not think proper to assist the son in a war commenced by the father
with his own forces; and that as it was begun without either their
counsel or knowledge, it must be continued and concluded without their
help. The ambassadors affirmed the engagement to be binding on the
Florentines, and themselves to be answerable for the event of the war;
and then in great anger left the city.
Thus with regard to external affairs, the Florentines continued
tranquil during this war; but the case was otherwise with their
domestic concerns, as will be particularly shown in the following
book.
BOOK VII
CHAPTER I
Connection of the other Italian governments with the history of
Florence--Republics always disunited--Some differences are
injurious; others not so--The kind of dissensions prevailing at
Florence--Cosmo de' Medici and Neri Capponi become powerful by
dissimilar means--Reform in the election of magistrates favorable
to Cosmo--Complaints of the principal citizens against the reform
in elections--Luca Pitti, Gonfalonier of Justice, restrains the
imborsations by force--Tyranny and pride of Luca Pitti and his
party--Palace of the Pitti--Death of Cosmo de' Medici--His
liberality and magnificence--His modesty--His prudence--Sayings of
Cosmo.
It will perhaps appear to the readers of the preceding book that,
professing only to write of the affairs of Florence, I have dilated
too much in speaking of those which occurred in Lombardy and Naples.
But as I have not already avoided, so it is not my intention in future
to forbear, similar digressions. For although we have not engaged to
give an account of the affairs of Italy, still it would be improper to
neglect noticing the most remarkable of them. If they were wholly
omitted, our history would not be so well understood, neither would it
be so instructive or agreeable; since from the proceedings of the
other princes and states of Italy, have most commonly arisen those
wars in which the Florentines were compelled to take part. Thus, from
the war between John of Anjou and King Ferrando, originated those
serious enmities and hatreds which ensued between Ferrando and the
Florentines, particularly the house of Medici. The king complained of
a want of assistance during the war, and of the aid afforded to his
enemy; and from his anger originated the greatest evils, as will be
hereafter seen. Having, in speaking of external affairs, come down to
the year 1463, it will be necessary in order to make our narrative of
the contemporaneous domestic transactions clearly understood, to
revert to a period several years back. But first, according to custom,
I would offer a few remarks referring to the events about to be
narrated, and observe, that those who think a republic may be kept in
perfect unity of purpose are greatly deceived. True it is, that some
divisions injure republics, while others are beneficial to them. When
accompanied by factions and parties they are injurious; but when
maintained without them they contribute to their prosperity. The
legislator of a republic, since it is impossible to prevent the
existence of dissensions, must at least take care to prevent the
growth of faction. It may therefore be observed, that citizens acquire
reputation and power in two ways; the one public, the other private.
Influence is acquired publicly by winning a battle, taking possession
of a territory, fulfilling the duties of an embassy with care and
prudence, or by giving wise counsel attended by a happy result.
Private methods are conferring benefits upon individuals, defending
them against the magistrates, supporting them with money, and raising
them to undeserved honors; or with public games and entertainments
gaining the affection of the populace. This mode of procedure produces
parties and cliques; and in proportion as influence thus acquired is
injurious, so is the former beneficial, if quite free from party
spirit; because it is founded upon the public good, and not upon
private advantage. And though it is impossible to prevent the
existence of inveterate feuds, still if they be without partisans to
support them for their own individual benefit, they do not injure a
republic, but contribute to its welfare; since none can attain
distinction, but as he contributes to her good, and each party
prevents the other from infringing her liberties. The dissensions of
Florence were always accompanied by factions, and were therefore
always pernicious; and the dominant party only remained united so long
as its enemies held it in check. As soon as the strength of the
opposition was annihilated, the government, deprived of the
restraining influence of its adversaries, and being subject to no law,
fell to pieces. The party of Cosmo de' Medici gained the ascendant in
1434; but the depressed party being very numerous, and composed of
several very influential persons, fear kept the former united, and
restrained their proceedings within the bounds of moderation, so that
no violence was committed by them, nor anything done calculated to
excite popular dislike. Consequently, whenever this government
required the citizens' aid to recover or strengthen its influence, the
latter were always willing to gratify its wishes; so that from 1434 to
1455, during a period of twenty-one years, the authority of a balia
was granted to it six times.
There were in Florence, as we have frequently observed, two
principally powerful citizens, Cosmo de' Medici and Neri Capponi. Neri
acquired his influence by public services; so that he had many friends
but few partisans. Cosmo, being able to avail himself both of public
and private means, had many partisans as well as friends. While both
lived, having always been united, they obtained from the people
whatever they required; for in them popularity and power were united.
But in the year 1455, Neri being dead, and the opposition party
extinct, the government found a difficulty in resuming its authority;
and this was occasioned, remarkably enough, by Cosmo's private
friends, and the most influential men in the state; for, not fearing
the opposite party, they became anxious to abate his power. This
inconsistency was the beginning of the evils which took place in 1456;
so that those in power were openly advised in the deliberative
councils not to renew the power of the balia, but to close the
balloting purses, and appoint the magistrates by drawing from the
pollings or squittini previously made. To restrain this disposition,
Cosmo had the choice of two alternatives, either forcibly to assume
the government, with the partisans he possessed,
and drive out the
others, or to allow the matter to take its course, and let his friends
see they were not depriving him of power, but rather themselves. He
chose the latter; for he well knew that at all events the purses being
filled with the names of his own friends, he incurred no risk, and
could take the government into his own hands whenever he found
occasion. The chief offices of state being again filled by lot, the
mass of the people began to think they had recovered their liberty,
and that the decisions of the magistrates were according to their own
judgments, unbiased by the influence of the Great. At the same time,
the friends of different grandees were humbled; and many who had
commonly seen their houses filled with suitors and presents, found
themselves destitute of both. Those who had previously been very
powerful were reduced to an equality with men whom they had been
accustomed to consider inferior; and those formerly far beneath them
were now become their equals. No respect or deference was paid to
them; they were often ridiculed and derided, and frequently heard
themselves and the republic mentioned in the open streets without the
least deference; thus they found it was not Cosmo but themselves that
had lost the government. Cosmo appeared not to notice these matters;
and whenever any subject was proposed in favor of the people he was
the first to support it. But the greatest cause of alarm to the higher
classes, and his most favorable opportunity of retaliation, was the
revival of the catasto, or property-tax of 1427, so that individual
contributions were determined by statute, and not by a set of persons
appointed for its regulation.
This law being re-established, and a magistracy created to carry it
into effect, the nobility assembled, and went to Cosmo to beg he would
rescue them and himself from the power of the plebeians, and restore
to the government the reputation which had made himself powerful and
them respected. He replied, he was willing to comply with their
request, but wished the law to be obtained in the regular manner, by
consent of the people, and not by force, of which he would not hear on
any account. They then endeavored in the councils to establish a new
balia, but did not succeed. On this the grandees again came to Cosmo,
and most humbly begged he would assemble the people in a general
council or parliament, but this he refused, for he wished to make them
sensible of their great mistake; and when Donato Cocchi, being
Gonfalonier of Justice, proposed to assemble them without his consent,
the Signors who were of Cosmo's party ridiculed the idea so
unmercifully, that the man's mind actually became deranged, and he had
to retire from office in consequence. However, since it is undesirable
to allow matters to proceed beyond recovery, the Gonfalon of Justice
being in the hands of Luca Pitti, a bold-spirited man, Cosmo
determined to let him adopt what course he thought proper, that if any
trouble should arise it might be imputed to Luca and not to himself.
Luca, therefore, in the beginning of his magistracy, several times
proposed to the people the appointment of a new balia; and, not
succeeding, he threatened the members of the councils with injurious
and arrogant expressions, which were shortly followed by corresponding
conduct; for in the month of August, 1458, on the eve of Saint
Lorenzo, having filled the piazza, and compelled them to assent to a
measure to which he knew them to be averse. Having recovered power,
created a new balia, and filled the principal offices according to the
pleasure of a few individuals, in order to commence that government
with terror which they had obtained by force, they banished Girolamo
Machiavelli, with some others, and deprived many of the honors of
government. Girolamo, having transgressed the confines to which he was
limited, was declared a rebel. Traveling about Italy, with the design
of exciting the princes against his country, he was betrayed while at